Media assets

Television: TBC1, TBC2, Tanzania Safari Channel

Radio: TBC Taifa, TBC FM, TBC Arusha, TBC International

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

TBC is wholly owned by the Government of Tanzania, with its shares held through the Treasury Registrar—a division of the Ministry of Finance. Governance is overseen by a board of directors appointed by the President upon recommendation from the Minister responsible for culture and information. While framed as a public service entity, its organizational and leadership structure places it firmly under government control.

On February 11, 2025, the Public Media Alliance reported that Parliament passed the Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation Bill, 2024, providing TBC with its first legislative mandate . The Act formalizes TBC’s mission, mandates the formation of an independent oversight board, and authorizes diversified revenue streams—including advertising and partnerships. It also tasks TBC with promoting Kiswahili globally .

Source of funding and budget

TBC receives the lion’s share of its funding from the state budget, which covers operational costs and infrastructure investments in broadcast reception. According to budget documents from the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Sports, TBC was allocated TZS 14 billion (approx. US$ 6 million) for the fiscal year 2021–2022. In a prior year (2020/2021), a supplementary allocation of TZS 12.5 billion (US$ 5.3 million) was granted to bolster its operations.

While TBC engages in commercial activities—such as advertising and content sales—local media experts estimate that these generate less than 50% of its income. Detailed financial statements remain undisclosed, leaving the broadcaster’s fiscal management largely opaque.

Editorial independence

Despite being labeled a public broadcaster, TBC functions as a de facto arm of the government, reflecting official positions and routinely avoiding criticism of state authorities. Several journalists and media experts argue that TBC’s editorial posture is more symbolic than substantive. One reporter described it as “camouflage,” noting that “as a government employee, you can’t report against the government anywhere.”

While TBC is formally mandated to operate with independence and impartiality—providing information, education, and entertainment in the public interest—these standards are not upheld in practice. The broadcaster lacks a statutory framework or internal charter that would guarantee editorial autonomy.

Moreover, no independent oversight body exists to monitor TBC’s compliance with its public service mandate or to evaluate its editorial performance. In effect, there are no institutional checks to safeguard against political interference.

June 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Daily News, Habari Leo, Spotileo

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Public/State-Managed (CaPu)

Ownership and governance

TSN’s origins trace back to the nationalization of Tanganyika Standard Newspaper in 1970, after which the government established Tanzania Standard Newspapers Limited as a state-run entity. Today, it operates as a private limited liability company, albeit fully government-controlled. The Government of the United Republic of Tanzania holds 99% of the company’s shares, while the remaining 1% is held by the Managing Editor, who also serves as the Chief Executive Officer and official contact person.

The government appoints both the Managing Editor and the Board of Directors, thereby maintaining tight control over the company’s strategic direction and editorial leadership. Serving as TSN’s chief executive, Asha Dachi heads operations and oversees the rollout of major projects—including the highly anticipated printing plant expected to begin operations in July 2025.

Source of funding and budget

While TSN has taken strides to diversify its income streams—including ventures in online advertising, television documentary production, commercial photography, consultancy services, and training programs—it still relies heavily on state support.

Although the company does not publish detailed annual financial reports, local journalists estimate that less than 50% of its funding comes from direct government subsidies, with the rest generated through commercial activities.

In May 2023, Minister of Information, Communication and Information Technology Nape Nnauye commended TSN for its transformation, citing investments in a new TZS 30 billion (US$ 12 million) commercial printing plant and other projects backed by the state. In January 2025, a budget of TZS 32 billion was earmarked to support the construction of the printing plant.

In the 2021–2022 fiscal year, TSN reportedly received TZS 14.3 billion (US$ 6.1 million) in government subsidies, according to budget documents from the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Sports.

In the 2023/2024 budget, the Treasury’s revenue estimates noted no anticipated dividend from TSN—indicating zero declared dividend income for that fiscal year. The National Audit Office’s 2023/24 audit report shows TSN contributed approximately 0.24% of its gross operating revenue in government transfers—but did not report a surplus or profit. In the previous fiscal year, dividend receipts were recorded at TZS 100 million, suggesting modest profitability or retained earnings that year.

Editorial independence

TSN’s publications are widely perceived as vehicles for government messaging, with editorial lines closely aligned with ruling party narratives. A study by the Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) described the flagship Daily News as showing “egregious support of government lines.” Local journalists report that Daily News and Habari Leo are required reading across government ministries, regulatory bodies, and parastatals—a practice that reinforces their role as instruments of state communication rather than platforms for independent journalism.

TSN has no internal editorial charter guaranteeing independence, nor is there any independent oversight mechanism in place to review or assess its editorial performance. In effect, journalistic autonomy at TSN is more theoretical than real, and its output is often indistinguishable from official government pronouncements.

On May 21, 2025, TSN announced a partnership with Xinhua to collaborate on the use of artificial intelligence—a move that underlines TSN’s interest in modernizing content production.

June 2025

While not state-owned, Azam Media is widely seen as state-aligned. It consistently avoids political controversy, refrains from broadcasting critical content about the government, and focuses heavily on entertainment and soft news, steering clear of investigative journalism or political commentary.

Media assets

Television: Azam TV, Azam Sports HD, Sinema Zetu

Radio: Azam FM

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Azam Media is a subsidiary of the Bakhresa Group, one of East Africa’s largest industrial conglomerates, owned by Said Salim Bakhresa, a Tanzanian billionaire. The group has substantial business interests in food manufacturing, transport, real estate, and hospitality, which gives it significant exposure to—and reliance on—government goodwill and regulatory stability.

Although privately owned, Azam Media’s editorial caution and business proximity to the state have led many analysts to classify it as politically compliant and economically risk-averse. The company does not disclose its editorial leadership structure or governance charter publicly.

Source of funding and budget

While the company is commercially funded, it benefits from a favorable regulatory and business environment, and reportedly maintains good relations with ruling CCM party officials, which contributes to its editorial neutrality on political matters. No audited financials or shareholder reports are made public.

Azam Media derives its revenue from a combination of: Pay-TV subscriptions (via Azam TV’s set-top box model), advertising and sponsorships, content licensing and syndication and government and corporate contracts (particularly for broadcasting state events or public service messages).

Editorial independence

Azam Media’s editorial content is primarily non-political. Its programming avoids controversial or investigative reporting and largely centers on: entertainment (movies, music, reality shows), live sports (especially Tanzanian Premier League), cultural programming and family-friendly content and light human-interest stories and celebrity news.

While not overtly propagandistic, Azam Media has no record of challenging the status quo or offering dissenting viewpoints. News coverage, where it exists, is either neutral or slanted toward government-sanctioned narratives.

There is no known editorial charter, and no independent oversight body tasked with enforcing ethical or journalistic standards.

June 2025

Media assets

Publishing: The Guardian, Nipashe

Television: ITV, Capital TV

Radio: East Africa Radio, Radio One

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

IPP Media is a division of IPP Group, a diversified business conglomerate founded and chaired by Dr. Reginald Mengiuntil his passing in 2019. The group remains family-owned, and the current management is drawn from Mengi’s business successors.

There is no government stake in IPP Media, but its long-standing corporate-state ties—including advertising relationships, political alliances, and non-confrontational reporting—have earned it a reputation for institutional loyalty to the state.

The editorial board is internally appointed, and there is no publicly disclosed information on independent editorial governance.

Source of funding and budget

IPP Media is commercially funded, with revenue streams from advertising, subscriptions, corporate sponsorships, and in-house production services. However, media analysts note that a significant portion of its ad revenue is derived from government ministries, state-owned enterprises, and politically connected companies.

The company does not publish financial reports, and its ownership structure and board composition are not fully transparent. While it has operated profitably, its financial dependence on state-linked advertising limits its editorial freedom.

Editorial independence

IPP Media operates with editorial caution, often self-censoring on politically sensitive topics. While it does not function as an explicit propaganda tool, it rarely publishes investigative reporting that could embarrass the government or challenge CCM leadership.

Editorial decisions tend to reflect a soft-pro-government stance, and coverage of opposition parties, corruption, or civil liberties is limited in scope and depth. The outlets focus more on development, business, human-interest stories, and ceremonial state functions.

There is no publicly available editorial charter, and no known independent oversight mechanism governs editorial performance or journalistic ethics.

June 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Uhuru, Mzalendo

Television: Channel Ten

Radio: Uhuru Radio, Classic FM

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Uhuru Media Group is wholly owned and operated by CCM. The party appoints the group’s senior management, including the Managing Editor and heads of broadcast services, through internal party organs.

There is no corporate independence from the party structure. Editorial decisions are made in coordination with the CCM’s information and ideology secretariat, effectively positioning the outlet as a direct communication tool for the party.

Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), meaning Party of the Revolution in Swahili, is the ruling political party in Tanzania and one of Africa’s longest-standing dominant parties. It was formed in 1977 through the merger of two post-independence parties: TANU (Tanganyika African National Union), led by Julius Nyerere on the mainland, and ASP (Afro-Shirazi Party) from Zanzibar. CCM inherited a strong one-party legacy and maintained political dominance even after Tanzania transitioned to multi-party democracy in the 1990s. The party has held uninterrupted power since independence in 1961, with each of its presidential candidates winning national elections. Despite growing calls for reform and transparency, CCM continues to shape Tanzania’s political, economic, and media landscape.

Source of funding and budget

The group operates on a mixed model of commercial advertising and direct financial support from CCM. While it carries paid advertisements, a significant portion of its operations is believed to be subsidized by the party, which does not publish transparent budget allocations for its media wing.

There are no public financial disclosures, and audited accounts are not available. Like many pro-government outlets in Tanzania, the group reportedly benefits from government-linked advertising contracts, further blurring the line between party and state funding.

Editorial independence

Uhuru Media Group’s editorial content is explicitly partisan. Its coverage promotes CCM policies and leadership, defends the party’s record, and routinely criticizes opposition parties, often using alarmist or delegitimizing narratives.

There is no pretense of editorial neutrality. The group’s mission is to propagate party ideology, and it does so unapologetically. Editorial guidelines, if they exist, are internal party documents, and no external oversight or accountability mechanism exists to monitor editorial fairness or ethical standards.

June 2025

Media assets

Television: Star TV

Radio: Radio Free Africa (RFA), Kiss FM

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Sahara Media Group is privately owned by Dr. Anthony Diallo, a businessman and former CCM Member of Parliament and minister. His strong political ties, especially during the Jakaya Kikwete administration (2005–2015), have ensured continued proximity to state power. There is no public information about the company’s board of directors or corporate governance transparency. The group’s editorial leadership is appointed internally and reflects its broader alignment with CCM interests.

Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), meaning Party of the Revolution in Swahili, is the ruling political party in Tanzania and one of Africa’s longest-standing dominant parties. It was formed in 1977 through the merger of two post-independence parties: TANU (Tanganyika African National Union), led by Julius Nyerere on the mainland, and ASP (Afro-Shirazi Party) from Zanzibar. CCM inherited a strong one-party legacy and maintained political dominance even after Tanzania transitioned to multi-party democracy in the 1990s. The party has held uninterrupted power since independence in 1961, with each of its presidential candidates winning national elections. Despite growing calls for reform and transparency, CCM continues to shape Tanzania’s political, economic, and media landscape.

Source of funding and budget

Sahara Media Group operates on a commercial revenue model, generating income through advertising, event partnerships, and sponsored programming. While it is not state-funded, the outlet reportedly receives substantial advertising contracts from government agencies and state-affiliated companies, effectively reinforcing its pro-government alignment. Financial statements and audited reports are not publicly available, and there is no breakdown of the proportion of income linked to state advertising.

Editorial independence

Sahara Media Group’s editorial content is consistently favorable to the government and the ruling CCM party. Investigative journalism or critical political reporting is rare, and coverage of opposition voices is either minimized or framed negatively.

Although the outlet has never been formally classified as state-owned, its output is frequently indistinguishable from official state media narratives. According to media experts and watchdogs, Sahara’s editorial posture is shaped by both ownership ties and commercial dependence on government advertising.

There is no internal statute protecting editorial independence, and no external oversight mechanism exists to monitor or validate impartiality in reporting.

June 2025

Media assets

Television: Television Zanzibar

Radio: ZBC Radio, Spice FM

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

ZBC operates under the framework of the Public Investment Act of 2002, which governs the management of state-owned enterprises in Zanzibar. According to this legislation, the President of the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar holds the authority to appoint both the Chief Executive Officer (Director General) and the Chairperson of the Board for all public corporations.

Simultaneously, the Treasurer Registrar at the Ministry of Finance—as the representative of the owning institution—retains the power to appoint the remaining members of the Board of Directors. This dual mechanism of appointments reinforces tight government oversight over ZBC’s leadership and strategic direction.

In April 2023, President Hussein Ali Mwinyi appointed Ramadhani Bukini as ZBC’s Director General. Prior to this role, Bukini served as the head of Plus Networks, a private media company. His appointment was seen by many observers as consolidating political influence over the broadcaster’s leadership.

Source of funding and budget

ZBC is entirely reliant on state funding, with no substantial commercial revenue reported. According to local journalists and regional media experts interviewed for this report, the broadcaster’s operations are fully financed through government allocations, supplemented occasionally by funds from development partners or NGOs. However, no publicly available financial statements or audited reports are released by the institution, leaving the scope and structure of its budget shrouded in opacity.

Editorial independence

ZBC is widely perceived as a government-aligned outlet, with its editorial line closely echoing the priorities and messaging of the ruling party in Zanzibar. Independent journalists and civil society organizations regard the broadcaster with skepticism, often citing its lack of editorial autonomy and its role in reinforcing state narratives.

There is no internal editorial statute that guarantees impartiality, and no independent oversight mechanism exists to evaluate or enforce editorial standards. In practice, ZBC serves more as an instrument of state communication than as a platform for balanced public discourse.

June 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Zanzibar Leo

Radio: Radio Tanzania Zanzibar (RTZ)

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

ZNC was established under the Zanzibar Newspaper Corporation Act of 2008, which formalized the state’s control over print media in the region. Under this law, the President of Zanzibar appoints the Managing Editor, who also serves as the organization’s chief executive. The Board of Directors is composed of seven members, most of whom are either appointed by top government officials—including the President—or are ex officio public servants, such as the Director of Information and the State Attorney.

As of June 2025, the Managing Editor, who effectively serves as the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of the Zanzibar Newspaper Corporation (ZNC), is Abdulla Mohammed Juma. He holds the post of Managing Editor at Zanzibar Leo.

This governance structure leaves little doubt that editorial leadership and corporate oversight remain firmly in government hands.

Source of funding and budget

Although ZNC earns modest revenue from newspaper sales and advertising, the lion’s share of its operating budget comes from government subsidies. According to journalists and media experts interviewed between March 2024 and April 2025, public funds continue to underwrite the bulk of ZNC’s operations.

The corporation does not publish financial statements, and no detailed annual budget information is made available to the public, rendering its financial structure largely opaque.

Editorial independence

ZNC is widely regarded as an unapologetic mouthpiece of the government. Its flagship publication, Zanzibar Leo, operates squarely within the editorial boundaries set by the 2008 statute that established the corporation. Since its full incorporation into ZNC, the newspaper has functioned as a tool of official messaging, echoing state narratives and avoiding dissenting perspectives.

There is no internal editorial charter to guarantee independence, nor is there an external oversight mechanism in place to assess or enforce editorial integrity. As a result, ZNC lacks any institutional or legal buffers against political interference, making it a state-owned publisher in name and in practice.

According to a ZBC audience survey in May 2025, Zanzibar Leo secured approximately 30% of the news market share in Zanzibar, ranking as the leading local newspaper ahead of mainland-based publications.

June 2025