Media assets

Television: ZBC TV, Jive TV

Radio: National FM, Radio Zimbabwe, Power FM, Classic 263, Khulumani FM, 95.8 Central Radio

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

ZBC is a government-owned private limited company established under the Broadcasting Services Act. While technically operating as a commercial entity, its governance structure reflects strong state influence: the Board of Directors is appointed by the government, following consultations with the President of Zimbabwe.

In February 2024, CEO Adelaide Chikunguru was dismissed on allegations of financial impropriety and weak corporate governance. Her removal followed tensions with Helliate Rushwaya, the newly appointed board chairperson—who also happens to be the niece of President Emmerson Mnangagwa. The incident underscored longstanding concerns about politicization and internal factionalism within the broadcaster’s leadership.

A new 13-member ZBC board, chaired by Helliate Rushwaya, was formally gazetted on 13 June 2025 by Information Minister Jenfan Muswere, under the Public Entities Corporate Governance Act. The board is serving for a four-year term. Initial announcements of certain board members surfaced earlier, in January 2024, with additional appointments in July 2024 and February 2025, but these were only fully confirmed and officially endorsed by the Government Gazette on 13 June 2025.

Source of funding & budget

ZBC relies on a mixed funding model comprising:

• License fees paid by households
• Advertising revenue
• Ad hoc government subsidies to plug financial shortfalls

Despite its public funding mandate, license fee compliance is exceedingly low—with only around 10% of Zimbabweans reportedly paying. In 2019, the broadcaster projected revenue of ZWL 220 million (US$  607,000) from license fees but collected just ZWL 10 million. Advertising brought in another ZWL 34 million.

In 2020, ZBC’s board publicly urged the government to reinstate direct budgetary support, arguing that the broadcaster could not operate as a commercially viable entity under the existing conditions. While a license fee hike was introduced in January 2021, aimed at covering 80% of ZBC’s operational budget, the financial situation remained dire.

By late 2021, ZBC had accumulated debts of ZWL 66 million, prompting the Parliamentary Media Committee to request that the government absorb the broadcaster’s liabilities.

A 2022–2025 strategic plan laid out an ambitious vision for ZBC to return to profitability and start paying dividends by the end of 2025. While there were claims in September 2022 that revenue collection had improved—with reported year-to-date income of ZWL 1.4 billion (approx. US$  3.8 million)—financial sustainability remains elusive.

In May 2024, an MP floated a proposal to transfer responsibility for license fee collection from ZBC to the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ)—a move some interpret as an effort to depoliticize revenue enforcement. However, no legislative action has followed. Meanwhile, civil society organizations and opposition figures have intensified calls for the abolition of the license fee altogether, citing poor service delivery and overt political bias.

No direct appropriation line for ZBC was found in the publicly available 2024 national or sectoral budget documents. In 2024, ZBC continued to heavily lean on revenue from license fees and advertising, supplemented by government subsidies, yet no official budget figure has been published. Ahead of its 2025 budget, the Treasury received requests totaling over ZWL 700 billion for media-related needs—including ZBC . However, the final gazetted government budget did not disclose specific amounts earmarked for ZBC in 2025.

Separately, a high-profile legislative move in May 2025 introduced a radio levy on motorists, projected to raise over USD 110 million—or around ZWL 1.4 billion—for ZBC, but this represents projected revenue rather than an official budget allocation.

Editorial independence

ZBC has long been viewed as a mouthpiece for the ruling Zanu PF party, with widespread allegations of partisan reporting and editorial manipulation. Its programming overwhelmingly favors government narratives, often sidelining opposition voices and dissenting opinions.

The lack of statutory safeguards or independent editorial oversight mechanisms leaves ZBC open to political interference. In several documented instances, the High Court of Zimbabwe has even recognized ZBC’s lack of impartiality. Judicial scrutiny ramped up in 2025, with the Supreme Court admonishing ZBC for failing to maintain editorial impartiality, reinforcing earlier High Court findings demanding fair party representation.

Despite a veneer of strategic reform, no tangible steps have been taken to establish institutional checks on editorial integrity. As of June 2025, there is still no statute, public accountability mechanism, or independent regulator tasked with validating or enforcing ZBC’s editorial independence.

June 2025

Media assets

Television: ZNBC TV1, ZNBC TV2, ZNBC TV3, ZNBC TV4

Radio: ZNBC Radio1, ZNBC Radio2, ZNBC Radio4

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

ZNBC is a state-owned statutory body established under the Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation Act. The Ministry of Information and Media—renamed from the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting Services following the August 2021 general elections—exercises direct oversight over the broadcaster. The ministry holds the power to appoint and dismiss members of ZNBC’s board.

In February 2022, a new board was appointed in accordance with legal provisions, marking an attempt by the incoming administration to breathe new life into the institution and address longstanding concerns around governance and editorial independence. Berry Lwando serves as the Director General (CEO) of the Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation. He was appointed to this position by the ZNBC board.

Source of funding and budget

ZNBC’s financial architecture rests largely on state subsidies, complemented in theory by revenue from public license fees and commercial advertising. In practice, however, the broadcaster remains heavily dependent on government bailouts to stay afloat.

Transparent data on ZNBC’s financial flows is notably absent, with successive audits failing to shed light on the corporation’s exact income and expenditure. With Zambia grappling with persistent budget deficits, the government has struggled to keep the broadcaster’s operations solvent. ZNBC has, for several years, failed to generate meaningful revenue streams from advertising or other commercial activities.

In November 2021, a senior government official admitted that ZNBC had not turned a profit “for many years.” Mounting debts—owed to both domestic suppliers and foreign partners—have pushed the broadcaster to the brink. At times, the organization has even been unable to meet basic obligations such as staff salaries.

ZNBC’s operations have been underpinned by a web of foreign loans and grants, most prominently from China. The Exim Bank of China extended a controversial loan for infrastructure development, which the Zambian government has reportedly been repaying through taxpayer-funded license fees—a move that sparked criticism from civil society groups and transparency advocates.

ZNBC’s 2024 approved budget was ZMW 43.7 million (US$ 1.67 million). The treasury released ZMW 31.1 million, which indicates a shortfall of 29%, according to data provided by the Zambian government.

As of mid-2025, ZNBC is mired in a deep financial crisis, with its continued operation hinging almost entirely on government disbursements.

Editorial independence

Although there are no explicit legal mandates requiring ZNBC to broadcast pro-government content, the broadcaster has long been criticized for toeing the ruling party’s line—particularly during the Patriotic Front (PF) administration. This lack of independence has undermined public trust in the institution.

In the aftermath of the 2021 elections, the newly elected United Party for National Development (UPND) government launched a reform initiative to reposition ZNBC as a genuine public service broadcaster. Minister of Information and Media Chushi Kasanda enlisted the support of BBC Media Action to spearhead the reform process, promising a future where editorial independence would be protected.

Nonetheless, tangible progress remains slow. While ZNBC introduced editorial guidelines in 2014 intended to insulate content from political interference, in practice, these rules have not curbed governmental overreach. The current administration has pledged to reinforce and operationalize these safeguards as part of the ongoing reforms.

Though ZNBC maintains a public relations office to receive complaints from audiences, there is still no independent oversight mechanism to monitor or guarantee editorial independence—leaving the broadcaster vulnerable to political pressure.

June 2025

Currently, Zimpapers owns and operates over a dozen newspapers and magazines, including national dailies The Herald and The Chronicle, as well as a growing portfolio of radio stations and a television network (ZTN Prime). It remains the undisputed leader in Zimbabwe’s print media landscape.

Media assets

Newspapers: Dailies- The Herald, The Chronicle, H-Metro, B-Metro; Sunday papers- The Sunday Mail, The Sunday News; Weeklies- The Manica Post, Kwayedza, Umthunywa, Business Weekly; Regional- Southern Times; Local- Suburban; Other- Zimtravel Magazine

Radio: Star FM, Diamond FM, Capitalk FM, Nyami Nyami FM

Television: Zimpapers Television Network (ZTN)

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Public/State-Managed (CaPu)

Ownership and governance

Zimpapers is formally listed as a public company, but its controlling interest is held by the Government of Zimbabwe, making it effectively a state-owned media enterprise. The company’s governance is enshrined under the country’s Constitution, which categorizes Zimpapers as part of the public media sector.

Historically, editorial independence was intended to be safeguarded through the Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust (ZMMT), a board of trustees designed to act as a buffer between the state and Zimpapers’ newsrooms. However, that independent trust was effectively dissolved in 2000 and transformed into a government-controlled holding structure. The ZMMT still exists in name, but today it functions primarily as a governing entity serving government interests.

The company is overseen by a six-member board, appointed directly by the President of Zimbabwe. The most recent board appointments were made in February 2020. In 2019, the government announced its intention to revive the ZMMT as a truly independent trustee board—a promise that remains unfulfilled.

On 9 January 2024, seven non-executive board members were named, including Doreen Sibanda, Alexander Rusero, Gift Machengete, George Chisoko, Raphael Mushanawani, Rutendo Mangudya, and Phillip Mbano.

Source of funding and budget

Zimpapers operates largely as a commercial entity, deriving the bulk of its revenue from advertising, print circulation, digital subscriptions, and commercial printing. The company’s audited reports do not reflect any direct government subsidies or cash injections.

In 2024, Zimpapers delivered a standout financial performance, marking a significant turnaround in its commercial trajectory. The media group recorded inflation-adjusted revenues of ZWL 71.6 billion, driven by strong performance across its print, broadcasting, and commercial printing divisions.

Profits surged dramatically, with segment net profit rising by 308% to reach ZWL 4.9 billion, while total profit for the period stood at ZWL 9.36 billion. Headline earnings, after adjustments, hit ZWL 20 billion, reflecting robust operational and financial health. These results build on the company’s 2023 growth momentum and reaffirm its position as Zimbabwe’s most profitable media conglomerate.

Nevertheless, in 2025, the company was rocked by a business-related scandal. An internal audit, revealed in April 2025, uncovered a potential US$13 million gap in Zimpapers’ financial records—raising serious concerns about possible fraud and corruption. Reports indicate inflated asset valuations (e.g., equipment recorded at US$ 4 million that allegedly is worth less than US$ 1 million), prompting demand for a forensic audit to trace fund flows and identify accountability.

Following the audit, three senior executives—Group CEO Pikirayi Deketeke, CFO Farai Matanhire, and CMO Tapuwa Mandimutsira—were placed on forced leave, allegedly for resisting the financial review. The board installed acting executives: William Chikoto (Acting CEO) and Annah Kufakunesu (Acting CFO).

Editorial independence

Since the dismantling of the ZMMT as an independent oversight body, Zimpapers has consistently faced criticism for its overtly pro-government editorial stance. Numerous reports suggest that Zimpapers functions as a de facto state mouthpiece, frequently aligning its news coverage with the ruling ZANU-PF party’s policies and political agenda.

Editorial control is often exerted indirectly—through board-level dismissals, managerial interference, and internal directives compelling journalists to adopt partisan narratives. According to local media analysts interviewed for this report, these practices severely undermine journalistic integrity within the organization.

As of June 2025, no statute guarantees Zimpapers’ editorial independence, no independent oversight mechanism exists to assess or enforce editorial impartiality and investigations and testimony from former insiders reinforce the perception that the ruling party exerts significant control over editorial decision-making.

June 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Zambia Daily Mail, Times of Zambia

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Public/State-Managed (CaPu)

Ownership and governance

Established in January 2014, IDC is fully owned by the Government of the Republic of Zambia through the Ministry of Finance and National Planning. As an investment holding company for state-owned enterprises (SOEs), IDC plays a strategic role in managing and growing Zambia’s parastatal assets.

The IDC board is chaired by the President of the Republic, a structure that reflects the corporation’s high-level political alignment. This board has the authority to appoint the boards of subsidiary companies, including the Zambia Daily Mail and Times of Zambia, as well as their managing directors and editorial management teams. Consequently, these newspapers remain tightly tethered to state structures despite claims of operational autonomy.

Although editorial oversight formally falls under the Ministry of Information and Media—renamed from the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting Services in September 2021—the functional control lies squarely with IDC’s executive leadership.

In January 2022, plans were announced for a merger of the two newspapers into a single consolidated media entity under IDC’s wing, aimed at streamlining operations and reducing redundancies. However, no substantive updates on the merger’s progress have emerged since that announcement, and the plan appears to be stalled or quietly shelved.

Source of funding and budget

The Zambia Daily Mail and Times of Zambia are primarily sustained by commercial revenue streams, such as advertising, print sales, and government procurement contracts. However, financial transparency has been virtually nonexistent in recent years.

Given the country’s macroeconomic challenges, media analysts suggest that both newspapers are likely struggling to remain solvent without hidden state subsidies or cross-subsidization from IDC’s more profitable ventures.

Editorial independence

While there are no statutory mandates requiring Zambia Daily Mail or Times of Zambia to adopt a pro-government stance, their editorial lines consistently reflect the interests of the ruling party. Journalists and media experts cite pervasive political bias, attributing it to the government’s direct hand in appointing editorial leadership.

Frequent board dismissals—often without explanation—underscore the newspapers’ vulnerability to political pressure. This instability reinforces perceptions that editorial control remains an instrument of the state rather than an independent journalistic process.

As of June 2025, no regulatory statute nor independent oversight mechanism exists to safeguard the editorial autonomy of these IDC-owned publications. Content analyses conducted by local experts for this project continue to reflect a clear editorial tilt favoring the executive branch and the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND), following a similar pattern seen under previous administrations.

June 2025

Media assets

Television: TBC1, TBC2, Tanzania Safari Channel

Radio: TBC Taifa, TBC FM, TBC Arusha, TBC International

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

TBC is wholly owned by the Government of Tanzania, with its shares held through the Treasury Registrar—a division of the Ministry of Finance. Governance is overseen by a board of directors appointed by the President upon recommendation from the Minister responsible for culture and information. While framed as a public service entity, its organizational and leadership structure places it firmly under government control.

On February 11, 2025, the Public Media Alliance reported that Parliament passed the Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation Bill, 2024, providing TBC with its first legislative mandate . The Act formalizes TBC’s mission, mandates the formation of an independent oversight board, and authorizes diversified revenue streams—including advertising and partnerships. It also tasks TBC with promoting Kiswahili globally .

Source of funding and budget

TBC receives the lion’s share of its funding from the state budget, which covers operational costs and infrastructure investments in broadcast reception. According to budget documents from the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Sports, TBC was allocated TZS 14 billion (approx. US$ 6 million) for the fiscal year 2021–2022. In a prior year (2020/2021), a supplementary allocation of TZS 12.5 billion (US$ 5.3 million) was granted to bolster its operations.

While TBC engages in commercial activities—such as advertising and content sales—local media experts estimate that these generate less than 50% of its income. Detailed financial statements remain undisclosed, leaving the broadcaster’s fiscal management largely opaque.

Editorial independence

Despite being labeled a public broadcaster, TBC functions as a de facto arm of the government, reflecting official positions and routinely avoiding criticism of state authorities. Several journalists and media experts argue that TBC’s editorial posture is more symbolic than substantive. One reporter described it as “camouflage,” noting that “as a government employee, you can’t report against the government anywhere.”

While TBC is formally mandated to operate with independence and impartiality—providing information, education, and entertainment in the public interest—these standards are not upheld in practice. The broadcaster lacks a statutory framework or internal charter that would guarantee editorial autonomy.

Moreover, no independent oversight body exists to monitor TBC’s compliance with its public service mandate or to evaluate its editorial performance. In effect, there are no institutional checks to safeguard against political interference.

June 2025

Media assets

Television: Uganda Television (UTV), Magic 1, U24, Star TV

Radio: Radio Uganda, Regional Radio (UBC Butebo FM, UBC Radio Uganda, UBC West FM, UBC Star FM, Totore FM- Nginajok (Karamoja region), UBC Westnile FM, Magic 100.0, Mega FM, Ubc Voice of Bundibugyo FM, Ngeya FM, UBC Buruli FM)

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

UBC is fully state-owned and operates under the legal framework of the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation Act of 2005. The broadcaster falls under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of ICT and National Guidance. Its chief governing body is a Board of Directors, consisting of eight members appointed by the government for fixed terms—traditionally four years, though the last board was appointed for only three. The Minister of Information oversees these appointments, maintaining firm control over governance.

In January 2023, Members of Parliament renewed calls to merge UBC with the New Vision Group, citing persistent underperformance despite repeated state bailouts. UBC recently sought UGX 66 billion (US$ 17.5 million) for a digital transformation initiative—a request critics deemed excessive and unjustified, especially when compared to the financial self-sufficiency of New Vision, which has been lauded for its commercial viability. However, in recent years, those praises do not seem well placed as New Vision Group is grappling with growing losses.

Since January 2023, no new official proposals, negotiations, or legislative action have resurfaced. The concept appears to have dropped off the parliamentary agenda, and UBC continues to receive its budget allocations and engage in digital modernization efforts.

As of June 2025, the Managing Director (often considered the de facto CEO) of the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC) is Winston Agaba David.

Source of funding and budget

UBC’s finances rely heavily on government subventions, with only a modest share generated from advertising and commercial revenue. In the 2019/2020 fiscal year, UBC received UGX 18.5 billion (US$ 4.9 million) to support its transformation into a genuine public service broadcaster. In 2020/2021, the budget rose to UGX 45.8 billion, reflecting increased government investment in operations. For 2021/2022, Parliament approved UGX 22 billion (US$ 5.9 million) in subsidies. In December 2023, an additional UGX 25 billion was granted via a supplementary budget to cover operational shortfalls.

Advertising revenue remains minimal, and the broadcaster has struggled to develop independent revenue streams, raising questions about its long-term sustainability.

UBC requested UGX 173 billion in the 2024/25 budget cycle, including UGX 10.3 billion specifically earmarked for wages. Although Parliament revisited and amended the national appropriation bill—including supplementary allocations to various sectors—the exact amount allocated to UBC in the final 2024/25 budget remains unconfirmed.

In the June 2025 national budget, UBC rallied behind Parliament’s call for sustained government support. MPs echoed concerns that UBC is “losing ground” without additional funding to improve digital infrastructure and content reach.

Editorial independence

UBC’s editorial line is widely seen as being under the thumb of the executive, particularly the President’s Office, which exercises influence through a government-controlled media coordination agency. Despite being legally mandated to adhere to editorial codes of conduct, especially during electoral cycles, UBC has consistently favored the ruling party, undermining its public service mission.

Although the UBC Act lays out ethical and operational standards, these provisions are rarely enforced in practice. There is no permanent, independent oversight mechanism to ensure editorial independence or professional accountability.

June 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Daily News, Habari Leo, Spotileo

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Public/State-Managed (CaPu)

Ownership and governance

TSN’s origins trace back to the nationalization of Tanganyika Standard Newspaper in 1970, after which the government established Tanzania Standard Newspapers Limited as a state-run entity. Today, it operates as a private limited liability company, albeit fully government-controlled. The Government of the United Republic of Tanzania holds 99% of the company’s shares, while the remaining 1% is held by the Managing Editor, who also serves as the Chief Executive Officer and official contact person.

The government appoints both the Managing Editor and the Board of Directors, thereby maintaining tight control over the company’s strategic direction and editorial leadership. Serving as TSN’s chief executive, Asha Dachi heads operations and oversees the rollout of major projects—including the highly anticipated printing plant expected to begin operations in July 2025.

Source of funding and budget

While TSN has taken strides to diversify its income streams—including ventures in online advertising, television documentary production, commercial photography, consultancy services, and training programs—it still relies heavily on state support.

Although the company does not publish detailed annual financial reports, local journalists estimate that less than 50% of its funding comes from direct government subsidies, with the rest generated through commercial activities.

In May 2023, Minister of Information, Communication and Information Technology Nape Nnauye commended TSN for its transformation, citing investments in a new TZS 30 billion (US$ 12 million) commercial printing plant and other projects backed by the state. In January 2025, a budget of TZS 32 billion was earmarked to support the construction of the printing plant.

In the 2021–2022 fiscal year, TSN reportedly received TZS 14.3 billion (US$ 6.1 million) in government subsidies, according to budget documents from the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Sports.

In the 2023/2024 budget, the Treasury’s revenue estimates noted no anticipated dividend from TSN—indicating zero declared dividend income for that fiscal year. The National Audit Office’s 2023/24 audit report shows TSN contributed approximately 0.24% of its gross operating revenue in government transfers—but did not report a surplus or profit. In the previous fiscal year, dividend receipts were recorded at TZS 100 million, suggesting modest profitability or retained earnings that year.

Editorial independence

TSN’s publications are widely perceived as vehicles for government messaging, with editorial lines closely aligned with ruling party narratives. A study by the Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) described the flagship Daily News as showing “egregious support of government lines.” Local journalists report that Daily News and Habari Leo are required reading across government ministries, regulatory bodies, and parastatals—a practice that reinforces their role as instruments of state communication rather than platforms for independent journalism.

TSN has no internal editorial charter guaranteeing independence, nor is there any independent oversight mechanism in place to review or assess its editorial performance. In effect, journalistic autonomy at TSN is more theoretical than real, and its output is often indistinguishable from official government pronouncements.

On May 21, 2025, TSN announced a partnership with Xinhua to collaborate on the use of artificial intelligence—a move that underlines TSN’s interest in modernizing content production.

June 2025

While not state-owned, Azam Media is widely seen as state-aligned. It consistently avoids political controversy, refrains from broadcasting critical content about the government, and focuses heavily on entertainment and soft news, steering clear of investigative journalism or political commentary.

Media assets

Television: Azam TV, Azam Sports HD, Sinema Zetu

Radio: Azam FM

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Azam Media is a subsidiary of the Bakhresa Group, one of East Africa’s largest industrial conglomerates, owned by Said Salim Bakhresa, a Tanzanian billionaire. The group has substantial business interests in food manufacturing, transport, real estate, and hospitality, which gives it significant exposure to—and reliance on—government goodwill and regulatory stability.

Although privately owned, Azam Media’s editorial caution and business proximity to the state have led many analysts to classify it as politically compliant and economically risk-averse. The company does not disclose its editorial leadership structure or governance charter publicly.

Source of funding and budget

While the company is commercially funded, it benefits from a favorable regulatory and business environment, and reportedly maintains good relations with ruling CCM party officials, which contributes to its editorial neutrality on political matters. No audited financials or shareholder reports are made public.

Azam Media derives its revenue from a combination of: Pay-TV subscriptions (via Azam TV’s set-top box model), advertising and sponsorships, content licensing and syndication and government and corporate contracts (particularly for broadcasting state events or public service messages).

Editorial independence

Azam Media’s editorial content is primarily non-political. Its programming avoids controversial or investigative reporting and largely centers on: entertainment (movies, music, reality shows), live sports (especially Tanzanian Premier League), cultural programming and family-friendly content and light human-interest stories and celebrity news.

While not overtly propagandistic, Azam Media has no record of challenging the status quo or offering dissenting viewpoints. News coverage, where it exists, is either neutral or slanted toward government-sanctioned narratives.

There is no known editorial charter, and no independent oversight body tasked with enforcing ethical or journalistic standards.

June 2025

Media assets

Publishing: The Guardian, Nipashe

Television: ITV, Capital TV

Radio: East Africa Radio, Radio One

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

IPP Media is a division of IPP Group, a diversified business conglomerate founded and chaired by Dr. Reginald Mengiuntil his passing in 2019. The group remains family-owned, and the current management is drawn from Mengi’s business successors.

There is no government stake in IPP Media, but its long-standing corporate-state ties—including advertising relationships, political alliances, and non-confrontational reporting—have earned it a reputation for institutional loyalty to the state.

The editorial board is internally appointed, and there is no publicly disclosed information on independent editorial governance.

Source of funding and budget

IPP Media is commercially funded, with revenue streams from advertising, subscriptions, corporate sponsorships, and in-house production services. However, media analysts note that a significant portion of its ad revenue is derived from government ministries, state-owned enterprises, and politically connected companies.

The company does not publish financial reports, and its ownership structure and board composition are not fully transparent. While it has operated profitably, its financial dependence on state-linked advertising limits its editorial freedom.

Editorial independence

IPP Media operates with editorial caution, often self-censoring on politically sensitive topics. While it does not function as an explicit propaganda tool, it rarely publishes investigative reporting that could embarrass the government or challenge CCM leadership.

Editorial decisions tend to reflect a soft-pro-government stance, and coverage of opposition parties, corruption, or civil liberties is limited in scope and depth. The outlets focus more on development, business, human-interest stories, and ceremonial state functions.

There is no publicly available editorial charter, and no known independent oversight mechanism governs editorial performance or journalistic ethics.

June 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Uhuru, Mzalendo

Television: Channel Ten

Radio: Uhuru Radio, Classic FM

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Uhuru Media Group is wholly owned and operated by CCM. The party appoints the group’s senior management, including the Managing Editor and heads of broadcast services, through internal party organs.

There is no corporate independence from the party structure. Editorial decisions are made in coordination with the CCM’s information and ideology secretariat, effectively positioning the outlet as a direct communication tool for the party.

Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), meaning Party of the Revolution in Swahili, is the ruling political party in Tanzania and one of Africa’s longest-standing dominant parties. It was formed in 1977 through the merger of two post-independence parties: TANU (Tanganyika African National Union), led by Julius Nyerere on the mainland, and ASP (Afro-Shirazi Party) from Zanzibar. CCM inherited a strong one-party legacy and maintained political dominance even after Tanzania transitioned to multi-party democracy in the 1990s. The party has held uninterrupted power since independence in 1961, with each of its presidential candidates winning national elections. Despite growing calls for reform and transparency, CCM continues to shape Tanzania’s political, economic, and media landscape.

Source of funding and budget

The group operates on a mixed model of commercial advertising and direct financial support from CCM. While it carries paid advertisements, a significant portion of its operations is believed to be subsidized by the party, which does not publish transparent budget allocations for its media wing.

There are no public financial disclosures, and audited accounts are not available. Like many pro-government outlets in Tanzania, the group reportedly benefits from government-linked advertising contracts, further blurring the line between party and state funding.

Editorial independence

Uhuru Media Group’s editorial content is explicitly partisan. Its coverage promotes CCM policies and leadership, defends the party’s record, and routinely criticizes opposition parties, often using alarmist or delegitimizing narratives.

There is no pretense of editorial neutrality. The group’s mission is to propagate party ideology, and it does so unapologetically. Editorial guidelines, if they exist, are internal party documents, and no external oversight or accountability mechanism exists to monitor editorial fairness or ethical standards.

June 2025