Media assets

Television: Qatar TV, Qatar 2, Al-Kass Sports

Radio: QBS Radio, A-Rayyan Radio, Qatar Radio, Urdu Radio, Oryx Radio, Holy Quran Radio, Sout Al Khaleej

News agency: Qatar News Agency

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

QMC is wholly owned by the State of Qatar and functions under the auspices of the Council of Ministers, to which it is institutionally affiliated. Strategic and operational decisions—including the appointment of senior leadership—are made by the Emir of Qatar, following nominations submitted by the Council of Ministers.

As of mid-2025, the organization is chaired by Sheikh Hamad bin Thamer Al Thani, a senior member of Qatar’s ruling House of Thani and concurrently the chairman of the board of Al Jazeera Media Network. His dual leadership roles underscore the close alignment between QMC and the state’s broader media and communication strategy.

Source of funding and budget

Under its founding charter, QMC is permitted to draw on a mixed funding model, including state subsidies, commercial revenues, donations, and bank loans. In practice, however, the corporation remains heavily reliant on public funding.

According to researchers in Qatar interviewed between 2023 and 2024, approximately 75% of QMC’s annual budget is sourced directly from the government. Two internal sources at QMC confirmed that in 2021, the organisation generated around US$4 million in commercial revenue, predominantly through advertising. More recent financial figures remain undisclosed, and no audited annual budget has been made publicly available to date.

Editorial independence

QMC operates effectively as a state-run broadcaster, adhering closely to editorial guidelines laid down by the Qatari authorities. Its programming avoids content that might be perceived as critical of the Qatari government, Islam, or ruling institutions. This editorial posture reflects broader patterns of media control in Qatar, where limits on expression are reinforced through law and institutional practice.

As of June 2025, there exists no independent domestic oversight mechanism capable of assessing or certifying QMC’s editorial independence. The absence of such safeguards raises persistent concerns regarding the station’s autonomy and its role in reflecting a diversity of viewpoints.

July 2025

While Al Jazeera America briefly aired between 2013–2016, it has since been shuttered. The network commands a presence in over 150 countries, reaching an estimated global audience of 430 million, supported by approximately 70 bureaus worldwide.

The owner in Doha ordered the cessation of AJB’s broadcasts, citing changed economic and organizational context.

Media assets

Television: Al Jazeera Arabic, Al Jazeera English, Al Jazeera Mubasher, Al Jazeera Documentary Channel, AJ+

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

AJMN operates under Qatari law as a “private foundation for public benefit”, a status restructured in 2011 to facilitate both state backing and a semblance of institutional autonomy. Despite this, corporate filings in various countries reveal that the network remains under full ownership of the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, with board appointments made by the Council of Ministers and ratified by the Emir.

The Chairman of the Board remains Sheikh Hamad bin Thamer Al Thani, who also presides over other state-aligned media such as QMC, keeping his position since the network’s highest governance restructure. The Director General in mid-2025 is Mostefa Souag.

Under its constitution, AJMN enjoys freedom to receive designated funding via government allocation, while also generating income through commercial streams centralized by its leadership.

Source of funding and budget

AJMN was founded with an initial QAR 500 million (approx. US $137 million) loan from Emir Hamad bin Khalifa, intended to sustain operations during its formative years.

The network does not publicly release detailed financial accounts, but independent assessments and internal sources point to a hybrid funding structure comprising: State allocations (often exceeding 90% of total finance, according to external sources), advertising revenues, cable/subscription fees, and sale of footage and broadcast rights. AJMN employs nearly 3,000–3,700 staff globally.

Editorial independence

Despite various internal rules aimed at establishing the network’s editorial objectivity and independence, there is abundant evidence that the editorial line of Al Jazeera is strongly influenced by the government. Experts in Doha say that the channel cannot escape what RSF has called the “draconian system of censorship” instituted in the emirate.

However, the station is also known for its intrepid reporting, especially its content targeting foreign audiences. Thus, regarding international reporting or coverage of the Middle East region for its English-language service, Al Jazeera is often praised as a “household name.” For example, much of Al Jazeera’s London station’s valiant reporting (sometimes almost aggressive) has often irked Arab governments.

The same policy is not applied when it comes to coverage for local audiences in Qatar or criticism of Qatar’s ruling elite, which is completely banned on the network: “Al Jazeera Arabic can be outspoken on subjects deemed sensitive in the region. However, the Qatari media observe strict self-censorship on domestic coverage and avoid criticizing the state or government. ‘The government, the royal family, and Islam are off limits to reporters,’ says Reporters Without Borders.” There are some examples of critical reporting about the Qatari authorities on Al Jazeera, albeit this only happens on the non-Arabic media outlets of the group.

At the same time, the Emir of Qatar frequently uses the broadcaster as a tool to promote the country’s foreign policy objectives.

There is no domestic statute that would establish the independence of Al Jazeera. The station has a set of editorial norms and standards that are supposed to guide the journalists working with the channel. While these norms are useful guiding principles for the outlet’s journalists and are sometimes enforced, they do not represent a guarantee of the station’s editorial independence. A 2021 academic paper showed that Al Jazeera Arabic (AJA) has a set of unwritten and implicit guidelines that shape its editorial coverage (by the Qatari government). Al Jazeera English (AJE) has developed its own internal editorial guidelines to ensure its independence.

Al Jazeera has a Quality Assurance Department, the work of which was started in 2004. The department’s tasks are to define standards, monitor output, and ensure that Al Jazeera complies with editorial policies and the high international journalistic standards. Promoted to the rank of Directorate in 2012, the unit investigates matters of accuracy, fairness, balance, and taste in Al Jazeera’s coverage, making recommendations to the station’s management to improve the station’s content. However, that doesn’t fully qualify as a publicly accountable, independent oversight mechanism.

Al Jazeera’s management claims that the station is editorially independent. In a study released on the network’s website, the company states that “from a financial and administrative standpoint,” the broadcaster “was very close to the Qatari government” between its launch in 1996 and until 2011, when the chain changed its status. During that period, the company’s management had to report to the Council of Ministers, an obligation dropped in 2011. Since that year, AJMN only has to report to the organization’s founder.

Based on the evidence so far and given the network’s lack of transparency over its finances, we maintain the AJMN in the State-Controlled category of the State Media Matrix. Our analysis of the broadcaster’s performance is ongoing.

July 2025

Media assets

News agency: QNA

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

QNA was established under Emiri Decree No. 94 of 1975 and remains wholly owned by the State of Qatar. The agency operates under the direct oversight of the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, to which it is formally affiliated. The minister retains full regulatory authority over QNA’s internal structure and strategic direction, including its editorial policies.

The Director-General of QNA is appointed by the Emir. In 2021, His Highness Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani appointed Ahmed Said Jaber Al Rumaihi to the post via Emiri decree. As of mid-2025, Al Rumaihi remains in office, with no publicly reported changes to the agency’s senior leadership.

QNA’s editor-in-chief reports directly to the Minister of Information, reaffirming the agency’s status as an extension of state communication.

Source of funding and budget

QNA is entirely funded through allocations from the state budget, as mandated by the founding Emiri decree. Its financial resources are included in the annual budget of the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology. While exact figures are not disclosed in public records, this funding model underscores QNA’s dependence on the state apparatus for its operational sustainability.

Editorial independence

QNA functions as an official state mouthpiece, adhering closely to editorial lines set by the government. Critical coverage of Qatari authorities or policies is absent from its reporting, in line with the country’s broader media environment, where freedom of expression remains limited.

There is no statutory safeguard or independent oversight mechanism in place to ensure editorial independence at QNA. The agency’s content is widely understood to reflect government priorities and narratives, rather than offering autonomous journalistic scrutiny.

July 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Al Watan, Qatar Tribune

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Dar Al-Watan is majority-owned by Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani (HBJ), a senior member of the ruling Al Thani family and a cousin of the Emir. The company is incorporated as a privately held entity under Qatari commercial law.

HBJ is a towering figure in both political and business spheres. He served as Qatar’s Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1992 to 2013 and concurrently held the post of Prime Minister from 2007. Beyond politics, he is best known for his global investment ventures. Dubbed “the man who bought London,” HBJ played a pivotal role in Qatar’s high-profile acquisitions of assets such as Harrods, the Shard, and stakes in Barclays and Heathrow Airport.

As of mid-2025, he also holds a 10% stake in Spain’s leading department store chain, El Corte Inglés. Forbes estimates his personal wealth at approximately USD 2.1 billion.

Source of funding and budget

Dar Al-Watan operates through a mixed funding model. Advertising remains its primary declared source of revenue, supplemented by undisclosed government support. Although state subsidies are widely reported within Qatari media circles, there is no public breakdown of the company’s annual budget or a clear disclosure of the proportion of government funding involved.

Editorial independence

Dar Al-Watan’s publications are widely regarded as editorially aligned with state interests. Owing to the close familial and political ties between its principal owner and the ruling elite, its newspapers seldom—if ever—publish criticism of the Qatari government or royal family.

Both Al-Watan and Qatar Tribune adopt a consistently pro-government editorial line. Their content often reflects official narratives, particularly in matters of domestic governance, foreign policy, and regional politics.

There are no domestic legal protections or independent oversight mechanisms in place to ensure the editorial autonomy of Dar Al-Watan or its publications. The absence of statutory protections for press freedom, coupled with the publisher’s ownership structure, raises persistent concerns about the degree of editorial control exercised behind the scenes.

July 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Al Raya, Gulf Times

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

The company is privately owned by Abdullah bin Hamad Al Attiyah, a veteran political figure and former Deputy Prime Minister of Qatar. He also previously headed the Emir’s Diwan (royal court), giving him a long-standing proximity to the ruling Al Thani family.

While registered as a private holding, the company’s governance is opaque. There are no public records on board composition, internal structure, or mechanisms for editorial accountability. Ownership by a figure so deeply embedded in Qatar’s political establishment has long fuelled perceptions that the publisher serves as a de facto extension of state communication infrastructure.

Source of funding and budget

There is no public disclosure of Gulf Publishing and Printing Company’s financial accounts. The bulk of its revenue is assumed to come from advertising sales, particularly from Qatari government agencies and affiliated businesses. Informed observers and local experts interviewed for this report in May 2024 and March 2025 confirm that state financial support is also extended to the company, but the precise share of government funding relative to commercial revenue remains unknown.

Editorial independence

Gulf Publishing and Printing Company’s editorial content is widely viewed as aligned with government policy. Neither Al Raya nor Gulf Times publishes criticism of the authorities. Editorial decisions are known to favor official perspectives, and sources confirm that stories perceived as inconsistent with the government’s preferences are systematically discarded.

For instance, Al Raya routinely devotes prominent coverage to the activities, speeches, and ceremonial engagements of the Al Thani royal family, serving more as a governmental chronicle than an independent journalistic outlet.

There is no legal or institutional mechanism to guarantee editorial independence at either of the company’s publications. Qatar lacks statutory provisions for media autonomy, and no independent oversight body exists to assess or enforce editorial standards across the country’s privately held news organizations.

July 2025

In addition to its news operations, Dar Al Sharq offers a suite of printing and publishing services and plays a central role in the distribution of both domestic and imported media content across Qatar.

Media assets

Publishing: Al Sharq, Al Arab, Lusail, The Peninsula

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Dar Al Sharq is a privately held company owned by Sheikh Khalid bin Thani bin Abdullah Al Thani, a senior member of Qatar’s ruling Al Thani family. Sheikh Khalid is a high-profile business magnate with diverse investments spanning banking, real estate, insurance, financial services, healthcare, telecommunications, information technology, and travel. His media holdings are just one element of a broader portfolio that aligns closely with key sectors of the Qatari economy.

No public governance framework or independent supervisory structure governs Dar Al Sharq’s media operations. All strategic and editorial decisions fall under the direct control of its owner and his appointed leadership.

Dar Al Sharq is currently led by Abdul Latif Abdullah Al Mahmoud, who serves as Chief Executive Officer of the group.

Source of funding and budget

As with other major media houses in Qatar, Dar Al Sharq does not publish its financial statements, and there is no public information detailing the revenue or expenditure breakdowns of its operations. The group is known to rely on advertising income—particularly from state entities and affiliated companies—as its primary revenue stream.

Informed observers interviewed for this report in March 2024 and May 2025 suggest that the company also receives direct or indirect government support, but the proportion of state funding in the company’s total budget remains opaque. This lack of transparency is consistent with the broader Qatari media landscape, where financial dependencies are rarely disclosed.

Editorial independence

Dar Al Sharq’s publications are widely perceived as extensions of the Qatari state’s communication strategy. Given the owner’s proximity to the ruling elite, the group’s newspapers maintain a consistently pro-government editorial line. Coverage rarely—if ever—includes criticism of the Emir, the government, or key state policies.

Content is heavily skewed toward official narratives. For example, Al Sharq frequently features front-page coverage of royal engagements, diplomatic activities, and ministerial announcements, while omitting dissenting viewpoints or alternative interpretations.

As of June 2025, no legal framework exists in Qatar to guarantee editorial independence, and Dar Al Sharq is not subject to any independent oversight or media watchdog scrutiny. There are no known internal mechanisms for editorial accountability or public complaints.

July 2025