Peru – State Media Monitor https://statemediamonitor.com Sun, 30 Mar 2025 16:33:39 +0000 en-GB hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.3 https://statemediamonitor.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/cropped-Studio-32x32.jpg Peru – State Media Monitor https://statemediamonitor.com 32 32 Instituto Nacional de Radio y Television de Peru (IRTP) https://statemediamonitor.com/2025/03/instituto-nacional-de-radio-y-television-de-peru-irtp/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=instituto-nacional-de-radio-y-television-de-peru-irtp Thu, 27 Mar 2025 20:24:17 +0000 https://statemediamonitor.com/?p=729 In 1996, the National Institute of Radio and Television of Peru (IRTP) was established to manage Peru’s public broadcast media. The organization operates TV Perú, the group’s main television channel, which has a history dating back to 1958. TV Peru Noticias focuses on news content, TV Peru International caters to audiences in other countries, and IPe Channel primarily focuses on children and youth.

IRTP also operates Nacional, a radio channel established in 1937 to promote culture, education, and informative content. The group also includes Radio La Crónica, a station that primarily broadcasts entertainment programming and covers only Lima, the country’s capital.


Media assets

Television: TV Perú, TV Peru Noticias, TV Peru Internacional, Canal IPe

Radio: Radio Nacional, Radio La Crónica


State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)


Ownership and governance

The IRTP, established under Legislative Decree No. 829, was conceived as an “autonomous public” institute. However, while technically deemed autonomous, it operates as a branch of the government. Initially overseen by the Ministry of Education, its oversight has since shifted to the Ministry of Culture.

The governance structure of the IRTP included a Board of Directors composed of a President and four members, an Executive President, and a General Management, as stipulated in Article 5 of its Rules of Procedure. The appointment and removal of the Executive President and key managers fell under the purview of the Board, whereas the President of the Republic, with the green light from the Minister of Culture, designated the members of the Board.

In May 2023, Ninoska Chandia was named President of the IRTP. This appointment sparked controversy, with independent observers raising eyebrows over Chandia’s close ties to Peruvian President Dina Boluarte. Critics argued her selection tightened the government’s grip on IRTP’s media operations, raising concerns about a growing lack of editorial independence.

Recent legal shifts have further imperiled the IRTP’s independence. In 2024, the Peruvian authorities enacted a decree that dismantled the two governing boards of the IRTP, replacing them with a so-called “headship.” This new position consolidates leadership power over the broadcasting entity into the hands of a single individual, who reports directly to the Presidency and the Ministry of Culture. In January 2025, media freedom watchdogs and journalist associations have sounded alarm bells over these legal amendments, arguing that they hand the government even more leeway to meddle in the IRTP’s internal operations.


Source of funding and budget

In 2022, the IRTP operated with a budget of PEN 132.5m (US$ 33.9m), the bulk of which was drawn from government funding, though the broadcaster retains the ability to generate supplementary income by offering services.

By 2024, the allocated budget had decreased to PEN 97.3m (US$ 25.8m) to support the organization’s media operations. However, the station’s management came under fire for burning through nearly 78% of these funds within just the first four months of the year, from January to April.


Editorial independence

The government exercises strict control over the editorial direction of IRTP-run media outlets by selecting the Board of Directors and situating IRTP under the Ministry of Culture’s jurisdiction. According to TV Peru’s website, its mission is to foster national unity while aligning with the government’s priorities. Content analyses for this report conducted in 2021, 2022, and 2024 revealed that although TV Peru features opposition MPs in its programming, its overall editorial stance is closely aligned with the government’s official narrative and objectives.

For instance, the dissemination of news related to health and education serves the public good. However, when it comes to politically sensitive issues, IRTP-controlled media outlets lean heavily toward the government’s perspective. Interviews featuring government officials frequently function as platforms to highlight their accomplishments and initiatives. While interviewees occasionally criticize authorities, the hosts on these programs steer clear of offering any critique themselves. Consequently, IRTP’s broadcasts act as a conduit between the government and its audience. Programs addressing corruption in politics largely focus on individuals outside the ruling leadership.

The editorial direction habitually tilts in favor of the government, leaving no room for opposition figures to scrutinize those in power effectively. A content review conducted post-July 2021—following the inauguration of a new president—found state-run media under IRTP’s purview has continually provided favorable coverage of the administration.

Journalists working for IRTP reportedly operate under immense pressure, often finding themselves compelled to sideline critical or controversial stories. Notably, in 2023, several journalists and managers alleged being abruptly terminated without legitimate justifications. In response, IRTP stated these staff members had voluntarily stepped down from their roles, a claim that some viewed skeptically. 

IRTP functions in accordance with the Organization and Operation Regulations, which outline the outlet’s essence and purpose. Nevertheless, it’s worth noting that this document falls short of guaranteeing IRTP’s editorial autonomy. Furthermore, no independent evaluation mechanism has been established to substantiate the editorial independence of IRTP’s media platforms.

April 2025

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Empresa Peruana de Servicios Editoriales (Editora Perú) https://statemediamonitor.com/2025/03/empresa-peruana-de-servicios-editoriales-editora-peru/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=empresa-peruana-de-servicios-editoriales-editora-peru Wed, 26 Mar 2025 20:43:03 +0000 https://statemediamonitor.com/?p=727 The Peruvian Publishing House, widely recognized as Editora Perú, launched its activities in 1976. Initially entrusted with the management of state-operated newspapers, the organization today oversees two prominent media platforms, the official daily newspaper El Peruano, which not only delivers news and commentary but also serves as the official bulletin for publishing government legislative acts, as well as the Peruvian News Agency (Andina), a comprehensive source for news, imagery, video content, and audio reports on both domestic and international affairs.

Furthermore, Editora Perú operates Publishing and Graphics Services (Segraf), a state-run printing enterprise. Rich in its historical tapestry, El Peruano, established by Simón Bolívar in 1825, boasts nearly two centuries of legacy, while Andina, born in 1981, reflects a more contemporary foundation in Peruvian journalism.


Media assets

Publishing: El Peruano

News agency: Andina


State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)


Ownership and governance

Editora Perú was founded under the provisions of the Peruvian Enterprise of Publishing Services Act (Legislative Decree No. 181), passed in 1981. This decree defined the entity as a “private law state company.” As a government-owned enterprise, it also operates under the jurisdiction of Law No. 27170, which accords it a degree of economic, administrative, and financial independence—though it still remains within the framework of the national government structure.

The company’s governance is entrusted to a board of shareholders appointed by the government. Like all other state-run enterprises in Peru, Editora Perú is answerable to the National Fund for Financing State Business Activity (FONAFE).

The board wields the power to hire or terminate the appointment of the general manager, tasked with overseeing Editora Perú’s operations. This governing body consists of seven members, four of whom are designated by the government through FONAFE. One of these members is selected to preside as chair of the board. The board also includes a representative from the Ministry of Education, in addition to representatives from the private sector, numbering “one or more.”

The general manager, handpicked by the board, is charged with steering the company’s managerial and operational activities. The board retains the authority to remove them whenever deemed necessary.


Source of funding and budget

In 2022, Editora Perú managed its operations with a total budget of PEN 71m (US$ 18.1m), according to company records. While approximately PEN 70m falls under the “sales of services” category—suggesting the enterprise generates its own income—a substantial portion of this revenue stream originates from governmental institutions. These entities pay for the dissemination of laws, regulations, and various decrees, making the company heavily dependent on state coffers to stay afloat.

Two years later, in 2024, the company’s operating budget swelled to PEN 80.68m (US$ 21.4m), as highlighted in a report issued by the organization.


Editorial independence

Peruvian state-run media outlets often serve as mouthpieces for governmental propaganda rather than striving for impartial reporting. A notable instance is a feature on Andina’s website that showcased the president in a flattering light, claiming he was “overseeing works to strengthen health services.”

Content analyses conducted in 2021, 2022, and 2024 as part of this project exposed a prevailing editorial bias, with Andina heavily accentuating the president’s achievements while reserving criticism almost exclusively for opposition parties and former presidents. While Andina had a track record of publishing in-depth investigative pieces, such as reports on the Odebrecht corruption scandal that implicated two ex-presidents, a former presidential candidate, and contributed to former President Alan García taking his own life, the same critical gaze was curiously absent for ex-President Vizcarra’s administration, which lasted until late 2020.

The Editor Manager of Andina underscored the agency’s role as a distribution channel for official announcements rather than a platform for tough, investigative journalism. In October 2020, a managerial figure at Andina highlighted the agency’s agreement with the judiciary, wherein its platform would be used to disseminate official judicial content, going as far as including interviews with judges. The manager put it plainly: “The idea is that the information produced here in the judiciary can be distributed both by the Andean Agency and in the official newspaper El Peruano.”

El Peruano, for its part, took a similar tack, frequently publishing articles that elevated the accomplishments of former President Vizcarra while condemning efforts by the opposition-controlled Congress to oust him. The newspaper appeared partial, disproportionately granting interviews to congress members voicing support for Vizcarra and largely avoiding dissenting opinions. These tendencies highlighted a persistent slant in favor of figures in power, which raises serious questions about the independence of state-controlled Peruvian media.

Following the July 2021 elections, which saw Jose Castillo rise to the presidency of Peru, media outlets under Editora Perú visibly shifted their narrative to align with the agenda of the incoming administration, as evidenced by a content analysis conducted in February 2022. However, the political landscape shifted once again in December 2022, when Dina Boluarte assumed the presidency following Castillo’s impeachment, triggered by his controversial move to dissolve parliament. A subsequent content review in March 2024 revealed comparable tendencies in the coverage by Editora Perú’s platforms.Though Editora Perú operates under a Code of Ethics designed to uphold neutrality, impartiality, and pluralism, this same code paradoxically mandates the organization to maintain ongoing communication channels with state authorities and to accommodate formal information requests from the government. Notably, no domestic statutes or external evaluations guaranteeing the outlet’s editorial independence have been identified.

April 2025

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