In the realm of radio, SiBCI helms Radio Nacional de Venezuela (RNV), which offers a mosaic of stations, including nationwide, regional, local, and global radio services. On the print and digital front, the organization publishes nine newspapers and owns the Agencia Venezolana de Noticias (AVN), the government’s principal news agency, known as Agencia Bolivariana de Noticias (ABN) until it was rebranded in 2010.

Media assets

Television: Nationwide- Venezolana de Televisión, Televisora Venezolana Social (TVes), Vive, ConCiencia TV, 123TV (COVETEL), ShowVen TV; Local- Ávila Televisión; International- Telesur

Radio: Nationawide- Radio Nacional de Venezuela (RNV) (RNV Informativa, RNV Clásica, RNV Musical, RNV Activa, Canal Indígena); Regional- RNV Región Central, RNV Los Llanos, RNV Región Zulia, YVKE Mundial Radio; Local- Alba Ciudad; International- La Radio del Sur

Publishing: Correo del Orinoco, Ciudad CCS, Ciudad VLC, Ciudad Cojedes, Ciudad Guárico, Ciudad Petare, Ciudad BQTO, Ciudad MCY, Ciudad Maturín

News agency: Agencia Venezolana de Noticias (AVN)

Portal: Con el Mazo Dando

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

SiBCI operates entirely under the auspices of Venezuela’s Ministry of Popular Power for Communication and Information (MIPPCI), which holds exclusive control over its media operations. Every outlet under the SiBCI umbrella is directly governed by the ministry, including decisions on leadership and organizational structures. Key positions within SiBCI-affiliated media are entrusted to individuals linked to or appointed by the ministry itself. A notable example is Desirée Santos Amaral, a former communication minister, who took on the editorial role at Correo del Orinoco—a newspaper under SiBCI’s stewardship—in 2016.

Telesur, on the other hand, made its debut in 2005 during Hugo Chávez’s presidency, serving as a strategic tool to bolster Venezuela’s democratic image on the international stage. The network, with its headquarters in Caracas, broadcasts across Latin America and operates as a joint venture co-owned by the governments of Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Cuba. Unsurprisingly, the bulk of its funding comes from Caracas. Initially, it boasted the support of six Latin American nations as co-owners, but over time three of them exited the partnership. Notably, Argentina was the last to pull out in 2016, with government officials accusing the network of stifling “alternative viewpoints.”

Despite this unique multinational ownership arrangement, the Venezuelan government retains unchallenged control over Telesur, as it holds the majority of the organization’s stake.

Source of funding and budget

The Venezuelan authorities remain tight-lipped regarding the funding allocations for media outlets under the SiBCI’s control. While a handful of these outlets feature advertisements, local journalists assert that the lion’s share of their financing is sourced from the state coffers.

Editorial independence

The media outlets operated by SiBCI function with an editorial agenda directly orchestrated by the Ministry of Information. These platforms are intentionally crafted as instruments to advance the government’s messaging and serve its interests. Notably, they openly embrace their pro-government objectives. For instance, the website of Venezolana de Televisión (VTV) explicitly states that its purpose is to “disseminate” state policy in harmony with the administration’s strategies for economic and social development. Likewise, Correo del Orinoco, a SiBCI-run newspaper, describes its collaboration with the MIPPCI as “progressive” in nature.

Over the past five years, multiple reports from independent media and non-governmental organizations have characterized state-owned media under SiBCI as tools of state propaganda. A significant portion of this scrutiny has been directed at VTV, a nationwide broadcaster with five decades of operation and the widest reach in the country.

To date, no statutory framework or independent oversight mechanism guaranteeing the editorial independence of SiBCI has been identified, leaving transparency and impartiality a matter of concern.

April 2025

Media assets

Television: ANTV

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

The Audiovisual National Television Foundation (ANTV) operates as a television network headquartered in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela. Fully owned by Fundación ANTV, this entity falls under the auspices of the Venezuelan government.

Source of funding and budget

The state provides complete funding for ANTV. However, in recent years, the channel has wrestled with financial setbacks as government resources have dried up. As of May 2024, local journalists interviewed for this report confirm that it continues to operate as a fully government-funded media outlet.

Editorial independence

ANTV serves as the parliamentary channel tasked with broadcasting information on the legislature’s activities. However, no statutory framework or independent evaluation mechanisms have been identified to ascertain or guarantee the channel’s editorial independence.

April 2025

Media assets

Television: Canal 5, Canal 8

Radio: Radio Uruguay, Radio Cultura, Radio Babel, Radio Clásica

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

In Uruguay, public broadcasters for television and radio operate under the directive of the Ministry of Education and Culture, more specifically through its executive branch, the National Audiovisual Communication Service (SECAN). The helm of SECAN had been steered until summer 2024 by seasoned journalist Gerardo Sotelo, who assumed this position through a direct presidential appointment. In July 2024, Carlos Muñoz, a television personality took Sotelo’s seat.

Although the country’s media legislation stipulates that state broadcasters should be governed by a three-member board—comprising a president, a vice president, and one additional official, all selected by the government with Senate approval—the full implementation of this provision has been hindered by varying legal interpretations. In practice, a government-appointed Director takes the reins of public media, managing both television and radio broadcasting operations.

The political landscape shifted significantly following Uruguay’s 2019 elections, which saw a transition of leadership from the left to the right. This shift sent ripples through SECAN’s operations during early 2020. In February 2020, the administration of newly-elected President Luis Lacalle Pou took swift action, appointing Gerardo Sotelo as SECAN’s Director via a presidential decree. With a distinguished career in journalism and a history of involvement in various political movements—including an association with the ruling coalition—Sotelo brought both professional expertise and political knowledge to his role.

Come May 2024, however, Sotelo stepped down from his post to throw his hat in the political ring. His intentions were firmly rooted in joining the Independent Party’s campaign efforts as Uruguay braced for its pivotal autumn elections later in the year when Sotelo was elected MP.

Source of funding and budget

While Uruguay’s state media outlets are permitted to generate revenue through the sale of airtime and advertising, their principal lifeline remains funding derived from the state budget. As per official government figures, SECAN was allocated a 2022 subsidy amounting to UYU 546.7m (equivalent to US$ 12.3m), acting as a financial cornerstone to support its operations.

Editorial independence

Uruguay’s public media, under governmental control, lack independence and have faced criticism for being editorially influenced by both left- and right-wing governments. The previous director, Sotelo, acknowledged the long-standing criticism of bias in public media coverage and pledged to implement changes.

After being appointed director in April 2020, Sotelo assured the people that the public media would be impartial and serve the public interest. However, he later sent a note to his staff stating that all journalistic content intended for dissemination would need to be reviewed by an official appointed by Sotelo, even before production. He argued that this measure was necessary to ensure “impartiality” and “public interest,” but the decision sparked controversy. Journalists criticized it as censorship, arguing that it was not feasible for them to seek authorization from management for every interview or news report. Additionally, there was controversy over the dismissal of nearly 50 journalists from Public Radio in November 2020, purportedly due to their small audience and the institution’s need for restructuring.

A series of ad hoc content analyses conducted by the Media and Journalism Research Center for this report in 2021 and 2024 revealed that public media occasionally feature members of the opposition, but these instances are rare. Public media have been predominantly subject to government editorial control in recent years.

Sotelo strongly rejected critical comments about the Uruguayan public media. A report from Deutsche Welle (DW) in May 2021 warned that media freedom in Uruguay was under threat. After other journalists in Uruguay disagreed with the report, DW interviewed additional sources and published a revised report that softened the criticism.

Despite concerted efforts by the management to bolster editorial independence within Uruguay’s public media, allegations of censorship have persisted in recent years, casting a shadow over these initiatives.

Under the framework of Law No. 19307 of 2014—commonly referred to as the media law—which governs radio, television, and other audiovisual communication services, state-run broadcasters under SECAN are expressly obligated to uphold “editorial and programming independence.” Furthermore, they must promote “plurality and diversity of content” to cultivate an informed, critical, and creative public discourse. The same legislation unequivocally protects journalists, including those within state-controlled outlets, by enshrining their right to invoke “conscientious objection” when confronted with directives from superiors that conflict with their principles.

Yet, these protective measures seem more aspirational than lived realities, as cases continue to reveal that government influence over public media’s editorial content has hardly diminished.

Additionally, while the media law mandates the establishment of an Ombudsman to oversee transparency and accountability within state-run media, no concrete evidence suggests that such a role has been formally instituted. The absence of this pivotal safeguard leaves concerns hanging in the balance.

April 2025

IRTP also operates Nacional, a radio channel established in 1937 to promote culture, education, and informative content. The group also includes Radio La Crónica, a station that primarily broadcasts entertainment programming and covers only Lima, the country’s capital.

Media assets

Television: TV Perú, TV Peru Noticias, TV Peru Internacional, Canal IPe

Radio: Radio Nacional, Radio La Crónica

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

The IRTP, established under Legislative Decree No. 829, was conceived as an “autonomous public” institute. However, while technically deemed autonomous, it operates as a branch of the government. Initially overseen by the Ministry of Education, its oversight has since shifted to the Ministry of Culture.

The governance structure of the IRTP included a Board of Directors composed of a President and four members, an Executive President, and a General Management, as stipulated in Article 5 of its Rules of Procedure. The appointment and removal of the Executive President and key managers fell under the purview of the Board, whereas the President of the Republic, with the green light from the Minister of Culture, designated the members of the Board.

In May 2023, Ninoska Chandia was named President of the IRTP. This appointment sparked controversy, with independent observers raising eyebrows over Chandia’s close ties to Peruvian President Dina Boluarte. Critics argued her selection tightened the government’s grip on IRTP’s media operations, raising concerns about a growing lack of editorial independence.

Recent legal shifts have further imperiled the IRTP’s independence. In 2024, the Peruvian authorities enacted a decree that dismantled the two governing boards of the IRTP, replacing them with a so-called “headship.” This new position consolidates leadership power over the broadcasting entity into the hands of a single individual, who reports directly to the Presidency and the Ministry of Culture. In January 2025, media freedom watchdogs and journalist associations have sounded alarm bells over these legal amendments, arguing that they hand the government even more leeway to meddle in the IRTP’s internal operations.

Source of funding and budget

In 2022, the IRTP operated with a budget of PEN 132.5m (US$ 33.9m), the bulk of which was drawn from government funding, though the broadcaster retains the ability to generate supplementary income by offering services.

By 2024, the allocated budget had decreased to PEN 97.3m (US$ 25.8m) to support the organization’s media operations. However, the station’s management came under fire for burning through nearly 78% of these funds within just the first four months of the year, from January to April.

Editorial independence

The government exercises strict control over the editorial direction of IRTP-run media outlets by selecting the Board of Directors and situating IRTP under the Ministry of Culture’s jurisdiction. According to TV Peru’s website, its mission is to foster national unity while aligning with the government’s priorities. Content analyses for this report conducted in 2021, 2022, and 2024 revealed that although TV Peru features opposition MPs in its programming, its overall editorial stance is closely aligned with the government’s official narrative and objectives.

For instance, the dissemination of news related to health and education serves the public good. However, when it comes to politically sensitive issues, IRTP-controlled media outlets lean heavily toward the government’s perspective. Interviews featuring government officials frequently function as platforms to highlight their accomplishments and initiatives. While interviewees occasionally criticize authorities, the hosts on these programs steer clear of offering any critique themselves. Consequently, IRTP’s broadcasts act as a conduit between the government and its audience. Programs addressing corruption in politics largely focus on individuals outside the ruling leadership.

The editorial direction habitually tilts in favor of the government, leaving no room for opposition figures to scrutinize those in power effectively. A content review conducted post-July 2021—following the inauguration of a new president—found state-run media under IRTP’s purview has continually provided favorable coverage of the administration.

Journalists working for IRTP reportedly operate under immense pressure, often finding themselves compelled to sideline critical or controversial stories. Notably, in 2023, several journalists and managers alleged being abruptly terminated without legitimate justifications. In response, IRTP stated these staff members had voluntarily stepped down from their roles, a claim that some viewed skeptically. 

IRTP functions in accordance with the Organization and Operation Regulations, which outline the outlet’s essence and purpose. Nevertheless, it’s worth noting that this document falls short of guaranteeing IRTP’s editorial autonomy. Furthermore, no independent evaluation mechanism has been established to substantiate the editorial independence of IRTP’s media platforms.

April 2025

The National Radio in Paraguay is the oldest of the three, with 58 years of history. The television station and the agency were both established in the 21st century. In August 2011, public television began broadcasting, two years after the launch of the Paraguayan Information Agency.

Media assets

Television: Paraguay TV

Radio: Radio Nacional del Paraguay

News agency: Agencia de Información Paraguaya

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

In 2018, the Paraguayan Congress approved the creation of the Ministry of Information and Communication Technologies (MITIC). This ministry absorbed the administration of the Information and Communication Secretariat (SICOM), a state body responsible for institutional communication of the government and the state media.

The state-controlled media in Paraguay, including TV Paraguay, National Radio, and the Paraguayan Information Agency, are all part of the General Directorate of State Media, under the authority of MITIC. According to Law No. 6207, as stated in Article 12, the General Directorate of State Media is under the supervision of the vice-ministers office at MITIC, which appoints the individuals who oversee each media outlet. These vice ministers are appointed by presidential decree.

The current structure of the public service media in Paraguay was established by MITIC resolution No. 67 of 2019.

Source of funding and budget

The General Directorate for State Media receives most of its funding from the government, and it also received donations during its first years of operation. In 2020, the annual budget for the Ministry of Information and Communication Technologies (MITIC) was PYG 241.6bn (US$ 34.3m). Although public information does not specify the amount allocated to media institutions within the ministry, local journalists and experts interviewed for this report in June 2024 indicate that the media are fully funded by the state allocation.

In 2012, the government created by decree a Directorate responsible for generating commercial revenue for state media. The move was aimed at balancing the finances of the state media, which depend entirely on MITIC. Paraguay TV and National Radio each have their own advertising tariffs, which are approved by MITIC.

Editorial independence

In Paraguay, state media is not independent of the government. In an interview on the Paraguayan public radio show Primeras Noticias in November 2019, an official from MITIC, Ingrid Villalba, mentioned that the government planned to strengthen state media. Villalba stated: “The mission of MITIC is to provide all the tools to the state media so that they can facilitate and bring official information to the citizens.” This means that the main purpose of public media is to deliver official information to the population.

The information we have gathered from analyzing content published by Paraguay’s state media in 2023 and 2024 confirms that they predominantly focus on positive and successful statements made by officials and ministers about government actions. This type of glowing reporting about state officials and institutions is a common occurrence across all Paraguayan state media platforms.

No domestic statute or mechanism of assessment or oversight to validate the editorial independence of state media in Paraguay has been identified.

April 2025

Media assets

Portal: Misión Verdad

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private Media (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Details regarding Misión Verdad’s governance structure remain conspicuously absent. In interviews conducted for this report in May 2024, local journalists revealed that the platform is primarily composed of individuals eager to champion narratives aligning with the Venezuelan government’s agenda.

Source of funding and budget

The funding origins of Misión Verdad remain shrouded in ambiguity. Its editor, William Serafino, maintains that the platform is sustained through reader donations.

However, local journalists interviewed for this report in May 2024 cast doubt on this claim, suggesting the Venezuelan government could be backing the outlet. They argue that it’s a tall order for a news platform to produce such a high volume of content relying solely on commercial revenue, particularly given Venezuela’s pressing financial climate. They further underline that the scarce number of independent outlets in Venezuela usually rely on international donors to keep their operations afloat.

Editorial independence

The editors of the outlet assert their independence and defend their mission to expose alleged falsehoods about Venezuela spread by Western governments as a legitimate enterprise.

Yet, impartial experts and local journalists suggest otherwise, contending that the platform prioritizes advancing state agendas. Their observations point to a resemblance between Misión Verdad’s tactics and those employed by Russian propaganda outlets, which attempt to muddy the waters of legitimate information by creating parallel fact-checking operations—thereby sowing confusion within the media landscape.

Misión Verdad has featured contributions from individuals with current or past ties to state institutions and has developed a reputation for seeking to undermine the credibility of human rights advocates. There is no documented framework protecting the editorial independence of Misión Verdad. Nevertheless, the platform states that its core aim is to debunk what it considers spurious claims and unjustified attacks on the Venezuelan government.

At present, no independent evaluation process or oversight structure exists to substantiate or verify the outlet’s claim of editorial autonomy. 

April 2025

Furthermore, Editora Perú operates Publishing and Graphics Services (Segraf), a state-run printing enterprise. Rich in its historical tapestry, El Peruano, established by Simón Bolívar in 1825, boasts nearly two centuries of legacy, while Andina, born in 1981, reflects a more contemporary foundation in Peruvian journalism.

Media assets

Publishing: El Peruano

News agency: Andina

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Editora Perú was founded under the provisions of the Peruvian Enterprise of Publishing Services Act (Legislative Decree No. 181), passed in 1981. This decree defined the entity as a “private law state company.” As a government-owned enterprise, it also operates under the jurisdiction of Law No. 27170, which accords it a degree of economic, administrative, and financial independence—though it still remains within the framework of the national government structure.

The company’s governance is entrusted to a board of shareholders appointed by the government. Like all other state-run enterprises in Peru, Editora Perú is answerable to the National Fund for Financing State Business Activity (FONAFE).

The board wields the power to hire or terminate the appointment of the general manager, tasked with overseeing Editora Perú’s operations. This governing body consists of seven members, four of whom are designated by the government through FONAFE. One of these members is selected to preside as chair of the board. The board also includes a representative from the Ministry of Education, in addition to representatives from the private sector, numbering “one or more.”

The general manager, handpicked by the board, is charged with steering the company’s managerial and operational activities. The board retains the authority to remove them whenever deemed necessary.

Source of funding and budget

In 2022, Editora Perú managed its operations with a total budget of PEN 71m (US$ 18.1m), according to company records. While approximately PEN 70m falls under the “sales of services” category—suggesting the enterprise generates its own income—a substantial portion of this revenue stream originates from governmental institutions. These entities pay for the dissemination of laws, regulations, and various decrees, making the company heavily dependent on state coffers to stay afloat.

Two years later, in 2024, the company’s operating budget swelled to PEN 80.68m (US$ 21.4m), as highlighted in a report issued by the organization.

Editorial independence

Peruvian state-run media outlets often serve as mouthpieces for governmental propaganda rather than striving for impartial reporting. A notable instance is a feature on Andina’s website that showcased the president in a flattering light, claiming he was “overseeing works to strengthen health services.”

Content analyses conducted in 2021, 2022, and 2024 as part of this project exposed a prevailing editorial bias, with Andina heavily accentuating the president’s achievements while reserving criticism almost exclusively for opposition parties and former presidents. While Andina had a track record of publishing in-depth investigative pieces, such as reports on the Odebrecht corruption scandal that implicated two ex-presidents, a former presidential candidate, and contributed to former President Alan García taking his own life, the same critical gaze was curiously absent for ex-President Vizcarra’s administration, which lasted until late 2020.

The Editor Manager of Andina underscored the agency’s role as a distribution channel for official announcements rather than a platform for tough, investigative journalism. In October 2020, a managerial figure at Andina highlighted the agency’s agreement with the judiciary, wherein its platform would be used to disseminate official judicial content, going as far as including interviews with judges. The manager put it plainly: “The idea is that the information produced here in the judiciary can be distributed both by the Andean Agency and in the official newspaper El Peruano.”

El Peruano, for its part, took a similar tack, frequently publishing articles that elevated the accomplishments of former President Vizcarra while condemning efforts by the opposition-controlled Congress to oust him. The newspaper appeared partial, disproportionately granting interviews to congress members voicing support for Vizcarra and largely avoiding dissenting opinions. These tendencies highlighted a persistent slant in favor of figures in power, which raises serious questions about the independence of state-controlled Peruvian media.

Following the July 2021 elections, which saw Jose Castillo rise to the presidency of Peru, media outlets under Editora Perú visibly shifted their narrative to align with the agenda of the incoming administration, as evidenced by a content analysis conducted in February 2022. However, the political landscape shifted once again in December 2022, when Dina Boluarte assumed the presidency following Castillo’s impeachment, triggered by his controversial move to dissolve parliament. A subsequent content review in March 2024 revealed comparable tendencies in the coverage by Editora Perú’s platforms.Though Editora Perú operates under a Code of Ethics designed to uphold neutrality, impartiality, and pluralism, this same code paradoxically mandates the organization to maintain ongoing communication channels with state authorities and to accommodate formal information requests from the government. Notably, no domestic statutes or external evaluations guaranteeing the outlet’s editorial independence have been identified.

April 2025

Media assets

Radio: El Circuito Radial PDVSA

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

El Circuito Radial PDVSA, a radio network wholly owned by Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA)—the state-run oil company under the auspices of the Ministry of Petroleum and Mining—operates entirely within the government’s grasp.

As reported by local journalists interviewed for this article in May 2024, the authorities maintain absolute authority over staffing decisions at El Circuito Radial PDVSA, pulling all the strings when it comes to key appointments.

Source of funding and budget

The Circuito Radial PDVSA operates entirely on funding from the state-owned oil giant PDVSA, as confirmed by local journalists interviewed for this report in May 2024.

Editorial independence

The network is recognized as a pro-government media outlet with an editorial stance fully in line with the government’s interests.

No statute or independent assessment/oversight mechanism to validate the editorial independence of PDVSA radio has been identified.

April 2025

Under the administration of Rafael Correa, state media exerted direct control over influential outlets such as the newspapers El Telégrafo and El Tiempo, as well as RTVE Ecuador, an umbrella network that encompassed Ecuador TV, Pública FM, and Andes Ecuador Agency—the latter shut its doors in 2018. Other entities within the state’s grasp included TC Televisión, Gamavisión, Edunned channel (operated by the Ministry of Education), and Legislative TV, the media channel of the National Assembly of Ecuador.

However, after measures implemented by Moreno, the state media sector saw sweeping changes. Most employees were let go, while previously separate entities were fused into a consolidated media group now caught in the throes of a profound reform process.

Media assets

Television: Ecuador TV

Radio: Publica FM

Publishing: El Telegrafo

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

On September 26, 2020, through Executive Decree 1160, President Lenin Moreno set the stage for a new chapter in state media by founding Comunica EP. This move led to the dissolution of its predecessor, the former public entity Empresa Pública Medios Públicos de Comunicación del Ecuador–Medios Públicos EP, as well as the closure of most existing state-owned media outlets. However, under the stewardship of the newly established national media entity, key platforms such as Ecuador TV (a television network), Pública FM (a radio station), and El Telégrafo (a long-standing newspaper that transitioned fully to a digital format) were preserved.

As outlined in Article 315 of Ecuador’s Constitution, the State has the power to establish public companies to deliver essential services. The country’s Organic Law of Public Companies further clarifies the procedural framework, specifying that the creation of such entities requires a presidential decree. Per Article 6 of this law, public enterprises, including those operating state media, are mandated to function under the guidance of a board of directors and a General Manager.

Moreover, Article 78 of the Organic Law of Communication defines state media companies as autonomous public legal entities with distinct assets, making them entirely independent financially, administratively, economically, and in terms of management. These entities are charged with managing strategic sectors, delivering public services, promoting the sustainable use of natural resources and public assets, or engaging in economic activities that align with the overarching aims of national governance.

As stipulated in Article 5 of Decree 1160, the newly organized board of directors of the public media corporation is to be composed of three representatives:  

a) The head of the General Secretariat for Communication of the Presidency, or his/her permanent delegate;  

b) The chairperson of the Public Companies Coordinating Company’s board, or his/her delegate;  

c) An appointee representing the presidency of the republic.

Economist Samia Tacle was appointed as General Director of Comunica EP in March 2023, stepping into a leadership role to guide Ecuador’s revamped approach to public media.

Source of funding and budget

After an extensive period of restructuring and reform, Comunica EP saw its budget rise to US$ 2.8m in 2022, an increase of over US$ 1m compared to the previous year, according to a company report. Around US$ 1.59m came in the form of a government subsidy, with the remaining portion being drawn from the company’s own revenue streams.  

In 2023, Comunica EP’s budget soared to a noteworthy US$ 5.66m, as per company records. Of this, the company managed to generate an estimated US$ 1.52m from its operational activities. By November 2024, the company had incurred losses of US$ 1.9m.

Editorial independence

Ecuador’s public service media group operates under the direct control of the nation’s president, with its editorial stance traditionally aligned with supporting the government. For instance, during Lenín Moreno’s presidency, critical coverage of him was notably absent, and many journalists inducted under Rafael Correa’s administration were removed from the media organization.

A content analysis commissioned for this report in 2021 uncovered clear bias in public media during Moreno’s tenure, with extensive coverage of his activities while negative developments were downplayed or swept under the rug. Although staff cuts were implemented within the organization during Moreno’s administration, the government’s tight grip on editorial decisions remained steadfast. This trend showed no signs of abating following Guillermo Lasso’s ascent to power, as significant restructuring of the media company led to the dismissal of thousands of employees.

A pivotal moment arrived in November 2022 with the enactment of a new Communications Law, which replaced the infamous “gag law” enacted by Rafael Correa. Championed and signed into effect by Lasso, the new legal framework eliminated pre-existing legal tools for “prior censorship,” marking a substantial step forward for press freedom in theory. However, despite this progress, Comunica EP currently retains its designation within the State-Controlled (SC) category in our media classification framework. Clearer evidence is required to establish whether the journalists under Comunica EP’s roof can truly perform their duties without interference tethered to government influence. The prevailing consensus in academic research suggests that the company’s dependency on government funding continues to curtail its editorial independence.

The 1160 decree forms the legal cornerstone for the newly established entity tasked with managing all public media platforms in Ecuador. Its predecessor, a media company now in the process of liquidation, operated under an Organic Statute that defined its mandate and modus operandi. The organization also adhered to a code of ethics; however, neither document explicitly safeguarded the editorial independence of its media outlets.

Moreover, the research for this report uncovered no evidence of independent evaluation or oversight mechanisms to ensure the editorial autonomy of Empresa Pública Medios Públicos de Comunicación del Ecuador.

March 2025

Media assets

Television: Televisión Legislativa

Radio: Radio Asamblea Nacional

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

The Medios Legislativos operates as a branch of the National Assembly, falling under the jurisdiction of the office that manages the Television and Radio of the Ecuadorian Congress. This office is supervised by the Congress’s Secretary of Communication. The President of the National Assembly designates both the office itself and the Secretary, adhering to the stipulations laid out in the Assembly’s Regulations. Moreover, the television and radio channels under the Medios Legislativos banner are each helmed by a leader, who directly answers to the office overseeing Medios Legislativos.

Source of funding and budget

According to the most recent data, Medios Legislativos secured approximately US$ 468,000 in total funding during 2019. Of this sum, nearly US$ 301,000 was earmarked for the television channel, whereas the radio station was allotted US$ 166,000. The outlet is entirely bankrolled by the state budget, and no subsequent financial updates have been provided since that time.

Editorial independence

Medios Legislativos operates entirely under the purview of Congress, where the ruling party holds the majority, resulting in its broadcasts leaning heavily in favor of the president.

According to Ecuador’s Organic Law of the Legislative Function, the National Assembly—the nation’s legislative body—is empowered to establish and oversee “institutional media.” The law delegates the Legislative Administration Council with the authority to draft the necessary regulations and operational guidelines for these outlets, ensuring compliance under the Assembly’s supervision and in coordination with Medios Legislativos. The media entity is obliged to follow a codified set of ethics, which its employees must adhere to.

Our research unearthed no provision explicitly guaranteeing the broadcaster’s editorial independence. Likewise, no independent reviews or oversight mechanisms were identified to assess whether Medios Legislativos operates autonomously in its editorial practices.

March 2025