Media assets

Television: SERTV

Radio: Crisol, Nacional FM

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

SERTV was established by Law No. 58 of 2005 as a public legal entity with its own legal personality.

Its governance structure places it under substantial government influence. The Advisory Board (Consejo Directivo) is the highest authority and is chaired by the Minister of Education. Additional members include the Minister of Government and Justice (represented via the National Directorate for Social Communication Media), the Rector of the University of Panama, two members of the National Assembly, and representatives from the National Council of Education and the Office of the Comptroller General.

Although two seats are reserved for civil society representatives, these members are also proposed by the government, limiting the board’s independence. The organization’s day-to-day operations are managed by a three-person board, including a general director and two deputy directors responsible for television and radio, respectively.

In June 2024, President-elect José Raúl Mulino nominated journalist Dustin Guerra as the new General Director of SERTV. Guerra brings over 27 years of experience in print, radio, and television journalism. Alongside Guerra, Sara Moreno was nominated as Deputy General Director. Moreno has a background in Marketing and Advertising from the Universidad del Istmo.

Source of funding and budget

SERTV is funded primarily through state budget allocations, though it is legally allowed to accept donations and provide services on a fee basis. In 2020, the broadcaster received PAB 19.4 million (US$ 19.4m). This figure remained mostly unchanged in 2021. However, the 2023 national budget reduced SERTV’s funding to PAB 13.43 million, reflecting a broader tightening of public expenditure.

In early 2024, SERTV announced a new partnership with the National Lottery of Panama, which included the airing of televised draws and a co-produced educational mini-series funded partly by lottery revenue. This marks a modest diversification of its funding base, though government allocations still dominate.

As of 2024, SERTV operated with an annual budget of PAB 23 million (approximately US$ 23 million). This figure was confirmed by SERTV’s director, Dustin Guerra, in his 2024 report to the National Assembly, where he also noted that the organization employs 320 staff members.

Editorial independence

While Law No. 58 frames SERTV as a pluralistic and impartial broadcaster, its editorial content often reflects the views and priorities of the ruling administration. The broadcaster’s legal mandate—to disseminate “the cultural and educational policies of the Panamanian State”—links it closely to the Ministry of Education and limits its autonomy in news selection and editorial tone.

A 2024 informal content analysis conducted for this report by the Media and Journalism Research Center found that SERTV continues to feature favorable coverage of government officials, with programs like A Profundidad, hosted by journalist Carlos Rivera, routinely spotlighting government projects, especially in education, infrastructure, and youth policy. The broadcaster’s website and social media channels similarly promote official press releases and ministerial announcements with limited critical perspective.

SERTV does follow a code of ethics and maintains internal performance guidelines for its staff. However, the research conducted for this project found no legally binding statutes or external oversight mechanisms guaranteeing the organization’s editorial independence. The absence of a firewall between political power and newsroom decisions continues to raise concerns among press freedom advocates.

May 2025

Sistema Nacional de Televisión owns the following channels in Nicaragua:

• Canal 6 Nicaragüense

Established in 1957 under the Somoza regime, Canal 6 was nationalized in 1979 after the Sandinista revolution and later declared bankrupt in 1997. It was reactivated in 2011 by the Ortega government and now serves as the flagship state broadcaster, fully funded and operated by the presidency through the state-owned company NEPISA.

• Canal 8 (Televisora Nicaragüense-TN8 or TeleNica)

Formerly a privately run channel founded by businessman Carlos Briceño, TN8 was sold in 2010 to a group of investors tied to the Ortega family, reportedly financed by Venezuela’s ALBA cooperation fund. Since the takeover, the channel’s editorial stance has shifted to overtly support the Ortega administration. It is currently directed by Juan Carlos Ortega, son of the president.

• Canal 4 (Multinoticias)

Previously owned by Nueva Imagen, S.A., Canal 4 was acquired by Intrasa, a company linked to the FSLN. Since 2017, it has been formally owned by FSLN-affiliated entrepreneur David Pereira. The channel is managed by presidential sons Daniel Edmundo and Carlos Enrique Ortega.

• Viva Nicaragua-Canal 13

A generalist television station headquartered in Managua, Viva Nicaragua was absorbed by SNTV after a contentious dispute over its ownership. It is now controlled by other children of the president—Camilia, Luciana, and Maurice Ortega.

• Canal 15 Nicaragüense

Launched in 2011 as an educational and cultural broadcaster, Canal 15 was repurposed in 2018 to operate on the frequency previously used by 100% Noticias, a prominent independent outlet forcibly shut down by the government.

• La Rock 22

A state-aligned radio station launched in 2020 and managed by Juan Carlos Ortega. It features a mix of music and government-aligned content aimed at younger audiences.

Media assets

Television: Canal 6, Canal 8, Canal 4 Multinoticias, Viva Nicaragua, Canal 15 Nicaraguense

Radio: La Rock 22

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

SNTV’s media assets are either state-owned or privately held by individuals and entities with direct ties to the Ortega-Murillo family and the FSLN. Editorial control is centralized within the presidency. The governing structures of these outlets are staffed by Ortega family members or close allies, blurring the line between state and party media. Canal 6 remains formally state-owned and is directly operated by the executive branch, while the rest are nominally private but in practice function as government mouthpieces.

Except for Canal 6, which remains formally state-owned and operated directly by the Nicaraguan government through NEPISA, all other channels under Sistema Nacional de Televisión were originally private broadcasters. These outlets were gradually acquired over the past decade and a half by individuals or corporate entities closely linked to the presidency, particularly through opaque networks tied to the FSLN’s economic apparatus.

Canal 4 was formally acquired in 2017 by David Pereira, an entrepreneur known for his political alignment with the FSLN. However, internal management and editorial operations are overseen by Daniel Edmundo and Carlos Enrique Ortega, two sons of President Daniel Ortega, effectively placing the channel under direct familial control.

Canal 8 has been under the direction of Juan Carlos Ortega, another son of the president, since its acquisition in 2010by a group of investors linked to the Ortega family. The purchase was reportedly financed by funds from ALBA, the Venezuela-led regional cooperation agreement, and has since functioned as one of the administration’s key propaganda platforms. As of 2024, Juan Carlos continues to serve as the channel’s director and oversees its associated media ventures, including La Rock 22.

Viva Nicaragua – Canal 13, originally a private generalist channel, was taken over by the government after a protracted dispute over its ownership structure. By 2022, its operations were fully integrated into the SNTV network and are now overseen by Ortega’s daughters Camilia, Luciana, and Maurice, solidifying its role in the government’s media infrastructure.

Canal 15 Nicaragüense, launched in 2018, was established on the frequency previously used by 100% Noticias, an independent broadcaster that was forcibly shut down by authorities. This takeover followed a wave of media suppression that began in late 2018, as the government intensified its crackdown on critical journalism in the wake of mass protests.

These takeovers were frequently carried out without transparency, often via proxies or shell companies with close FSLN ties, reinforcing Nicaragua’s status as one of the most tightly controlled media environments in Latin America.

Source of funding and budget

SNTV’s outlets receive over 50% of their financing from the state budget, with Canal 6 depending almost entirely on public funds. Channels such as Canal 8 are also heavily subsidized through state advertising contracts, often exceeding half of their annual revenue, according to interviews with Nicaraguan media experts conducted in May 2024.

Due to the lack of transparency and the centralized control of media outlets by the government and the ruling party, obtaining precise budgetary figures for SNTV remains challenging. The absence of publicly accessible, detailed financial reports for SNTV underscores the broader issues of limited transparency and accountability within Nicaragua’s state-controlled media landscape.

Editorial independence

Led and managed by individuals closely tied to the Ortega-Murillo family, the television channels under Sistema Nacional de Televisión (SNTV) strictly adhere to an editorial line that amplifies government narratives and promotes the interests of the ruling FSLN party. Independent journalism has been systematically eliminated from these platforms. Most programs that previously offered critical or investigative content were either canceled or replaced following government takeovers, and nearly all independent journalists formerly associated with these outlets have resigned or been pushed out.

One notable case is that of Carlos F. Chamorro, a respected journalist who hosted the investigative news program Esta Semana on Canal 8. He resigned in 2010 immediately after the channel’s acquisition by a group tied to the Ortega family, denouncing the new ownership for turning the outlet into a propaganda tool. His departure marked the beginning of a broader purge of dissenting voices within Nicaragua’s media landscape.

As of 2025, no domestic legislation or independent regulatory body exists to guarantee or assess the editorial independence of SNTV-affiliated channels. The absence of oversight, combined with direct familial and political control, reinforces the view that SNTV functions not as a public service broadcaster but as a centralized instrument of state propaganda.

May 2025

Media assets

Radio: Radio Nicaragua

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Radio Nicaragua is fully owned by the Nicaraguan government and operated under the authority of the Presidency. Management appointments are made directly by the executive branch, with no public competition or parliamentary oversight. According to local media analysts interviewed in May 2024 and January 2025, the station’s leadership structure is composed of individuals loyal to the Ortega-Murillo administration, reinforcing its status as a government-run outlet.

Source of funding and budget

The broadcaster is entirely financed through public funds. According to financial data reviewed by the Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC), Radio Nicaragua operated with a state-approved budget of NIO 23.8 million (approximately US$ 660,000) in 2022. According to the official 2024 General Budget of the Republic of Nicaragua, Radio Nicaragua was allocated a total of NIO 22.9 million for the fiscal year 2024. This amount is fully funded by the Nicaraguan government.

Editorial independence

Radio Nicaragua maintains a strictly pro-government editorial line. Its programming heavily promotes the Presidency and the ruling FSLN party, regularly broadcasting speeches by President Daniel Ortega and Vice President Rosario Murillo, as well as content that reinforces the government’s political narratives. The station functions primarily as a communication arm of the executive, with no evidence of pluralism, critical reporting, or space for dissenting views.

No domestic law or statute guarantees editorial independence for Radio Nicaragua. Furthermore, there is no independent regulatory body or media oversight mechanism to assess or enforce editorial standards, leaving the station fully exposed to political influence and executive control.

May 2025

Media assets

Radio: Radio Sandino, La Tuani, Futura, Clasica, VIVA FM

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

CODISA is owned and managed by members of the Ortega-Murillo family. According to an investigative report by Confidencial published in February 2022, the company is controlled by Rafael Ortega Murillo, one of President Daniel Ortega’s sons. The report detailed the opaque ownership structure behind CODISA and underscored its function as a media asset of the presidential family.

Management appointments at CODISA are made directly by individuals within the president’s inner circle, ensuring tight political control over the company’s operations. The absence of independent corporate governance mechanisms further consolidates this control.

Source of funding and budget

CODISA receives a significant portion of its revenue from Nicaraguan government sources, primarily through state advertising contracts and institutional sponsorships. According to local journalists interviewed in Managua in June 2024, public sector advertising accounts for a substantial share of CODISA’s operational budget. Although the company also generates revenue through private advertising, these streams are marginal in comparison and often depend on businesses aligned with the ruling party.

Editorial independence

The editorial direction of CODISA’s radio stations is firmly aligned with the Nicaraguan government. The content broadcast across its network is largely propagandistic, regularly amplifying state narratives and promoting the image of President Ortega and Vice President Rosario Murillo. Critical perspectives or opposition viewpoints are entirely absent from CODISA’s programming.

As of 2025, there is no legal framework or independent regulatory body in Nicaragua tasked with overseeing or guaranteeing the editorial independence of private media companies like CODISA. This lack of oversight allows the stations to function effectively as state-aligned broadcasters under private ownership.

May 2025

Media assets

Television: Canal Once

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Canal Once is owned by the IPN, which operates under the Federal Ministry of Public Education. The channel’s director is appointed and can be removed by the President of Mexico. As of October 2024, Renata Turrent, an economist and member of the Morena party, serves as the director of Canal Once. She was appointed by President Claudia Sheinbaum, who succeeded Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) in October 2024. Turrent previously coordinated the “Diálogos por la Transformación” project during Sheinbaum’s presidential campaign.

Source of funding and budget

The Mexican government provides the majority of Canal Once’s funding. In 2021, the channel operated with a budget of MXN 560.9m (approximately US$ 27.6m). This increased to MXN 572m in 2022, MXN 602m (US$ 35.6m) in 2023, and MXN 634m (US$ 35.77m) in 2024, according to data provided by the broadcaster.

For the 2025 fiscal year, Canal Once’s authorized budget for acquisitions, leases, and services is MXN 373.1m.  By law, the channel is prohibited from carrying advertising but typically generates revenue through sponsorships.

Editorial independence

While Canal Once offers diverse content, its news reporting has been observed to favor the ruling government. Following AMLO’s 2018 election and the appointment of a new director, programs featuring hosts aligned with the Morena party were introduced. Examples include “Buena Fe,” hosted by Gibrán Ramírez, a political analyst and Morena leadership candidate, and “La Maroma Estelar,” known for its favorable coverage of the government and criticism of its opponents.

Another program, “John y Sabina,” featured hosts John Ackerman and Sabina Berman, both supporters of AMLO, who often interviewed government officials and endorsed their decisions. Ackerman is married to the head of the Secretariat of the Public Service.

Although Canal Once has aired documentaries and programs critical of the government, reports of censorship have emerged in recent years. Local journalists allege that content critical of authorities, particularly former President AMLO, was not tolerated. Given that Claudia Sheinbaum, AMLO’s protégé, assumed the presidency in October 2024, significant editorial changes at Canal Once are not anticipated.

Canal Once operates under a “Quality Manual” that outlines internal operational rules; however, this does not equate to a statute guaranteeing the broadcaster’s independence. In accordance with Article 259 of the Federal Telecommunications and Broadcasting Act, all Mexican broadcast media must have an Ombudsman responsible for handling audience feedback and ensuring compliance with a code of ethics. Canal Once has both a Code of Conduct for its staff and an ethics committee, though the committee primarily comprises individuals reporting to the general director. Additionally, the channel has a Citizen Council tasked with analyzing content and making recommendations to enhance editorial independence.

May 2025

Media assets

Radio: XHIMER-FM, XHOF-FM, XHIMR-FM, XEDTL-AM, XEMP-AM, XEB-AM, XEQK-AM (Mexico City); XHUAN-FM (Tijuana, Baja California); XHFQ-FM (Cananea, Sonora); XHRF-FM (Ciudad Acuña, Coahuila); XHUAR-FM (Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua); XHLAC-FM (Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán); XHSCO-FM (Salina Cruz, Oaxaca); XHEMIT-FM (Comitán, Chiapas); XHCAH-FM (Cacahoatán, Chiapas); XHCHZ-FM (Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas); XHYUC-FM (Mérida, Yucatán)

State Media Matrix Typology

Independent State-Funded and State-Managed (ISFM)

Ownership and governance

IMER is a decentralized agency within the Federal Public Administration, possessing its own legal personality and assets. Its primary mission is to provide broadcasting services as a matter of public interest and to support the Secretariat of Public Education (SEP) in managing federal government radio stations, excluding those under other state secretariats.

The institute operates under the direct supervision of the SEP. In January 2025, Carlos Lara Sumano was appointed as the Director General of IMER by the Secretary of Public Education. Lara Sumano has experience in public service, communication, and telecommunications, having previously led IMER from 1995 to 2002.

Source of funding and budget

IMER’s operations are primarily funded through allocations from the federal government. IMER is allowed to sell advertising for its seven commercial stations. However, the ad revenues generated by these stations can’t even cover the rent of the channels’ studios, thus the institute continues to rely on government support to maintain and develop its broadcasting services.

IMER’s annual budget in 2022 totaled MXN 268.7m (US$13.2 m), most of it coming from the government. The state allocation increased significantly compared to the previous year. In 2023, IMER operated with a state subsidy of MXN 271.4m (US$ 16.2m), according to media reports.

IMER was allocated a budget of MXN 191.5m (US$ 11.4m) for the 2024 fiscal year, according to the Federal Expenditure Budget. However, IMER is bracing for leaner times ahead. In 2025, the broadcaster was set to receive MXN 186.8m (US$ 9.6m), marking a cut from the previous year’s allocation.

Editorial independence

The Mexican government continues to steer the overall direction of IMER. Yet, over the past five years, there has been no concrete evidence of direct editorial interference in the broadcaster’s programming. In fact, quite the opposite has occurred—IMER has often drawn the ire of public officials for its critical stance. Frustrated by the station’s independent tone, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador went so far as to label IMER a “tendentious and conservative” outlet in June 2023.

Despite its public service role, IMER lacks the legal safeguards that grant full editorial autonomy to other public media entities in Mexico, such as SPR. While it operates under an official Statute and a Code of Ethical Values—documents that call for programming to reflect the country’s diversity and strive for balanced reporting across a broad range of perspectives—they fall short of enshrining true editorial independence.

IMER does have though institutional mechanisms in place aimed at bolstering transparency and public trust. These include an Ombudsman, a formal Code of Ethics, and a Citizen Council. The Council plays a key role in acting as a bridge between civil society and the broadcaster, with a mission to defend editorial independence, foster citizen engagement, and promote the free expression of Mexico’s ideological, ethnic, and cultural diversity across IMER’s 18 stations.

May 2025

Media assets

Radio: La Nueva Radio Ya

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Radio Nueva Ya is owned by the Nicaraguan government through a private entity called Entretenimiento Digital, a company reportedly managed by individuals close to the presidential family. The station’s leadership is handpicked by the Presidency, typically drawn from among journalists loyal to the Sandinista movement. This structure ensures that editorial and operational decisions remain tightly aligned with the political interests of the government.

Source of funding and budget

According to journalists and local media observers interviewed in May 2024 and January 2025, Radio Nueva Ya is fully financed by the Nicaraguan government. While there are no official figures published for its 2024 or 2025 budgets, the station operates with extensive access to public advertising and institutional funding. No independent audits or budgetary disclosures have been made publicly available, and financial data remains opaque.

Editorial independence

Radio Nueva Ya is editorially controlled by the government and consistently promotes the narratives of the Ortega-Murillo administration. Its programming features political messaging that aligns closely with government priorities, and its on-air journalists are openly supportive of the FSLN. The station frequently broadcasts live coverage of speeches by President Ortega and Vice President Rosario Murillo, along with regular segments praising government policies and attacking dissenters.

As of 2025, there is no domestic law guaranteeing the editorial independence of Radio Nueva Ya, nor does any independent oversight body monitor its content. The station’s role is widely understood to be that of a government propaganda outlet rather than a source of impartial journalism.

May 2025

Media assets

Television: SPR TV

Radio: SPR Radio

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

SPR operates as an autonomous public agency. Its General Director is appointed by the President of the Republic for a five-year term, with the possibility of one reappointment. This staggered system is designed to insulate the position from political cycles, ideally allowing continuity across presidential administrations. In addition, Article 17 of the Broadcasting Act stipulates that the Senate must approve the nominee with a two-thirds majority, reinforcing the checks and balances on executive influence.

As of May 2025, Jenaro Villamil continues to serve as the head of the SPR. His initial five-year term, which began in February 2019, concluded in February 2024. Following this, the SPR’s Governing Board appointed him as the acting president (“Encargado de Despacho”) to ensure continuity while awaiting the Senate’s decision on his reappointment for a second term. In October 2024, President Claudia Sheinbaum confirmed that Villamil would remain at the helm of SPR. She emphasized that he, along with other public media leaders, is working on a new framework aimed at enhancing the independence and quality of public broadcasting in Mexico. Therefore, while the formal ratification by the Senate was pending, Jenaro Villamil continued to lead SPR in an acting capacity.

Source of funding and budget

SPR remains largely dependent on state subsidies. While SPR generates a modest share of its revenue through ancillary activities, roughly three-quarters of its budget continues to come from public funds.

In 2023, the broadcaster operated with a budget of MXN 852.2 million (US$50.9 million)—a sharp drop from MXN 1.24 billion (US$61 million) the previous year.

For the fiscal year 2025, the Sistema Público de Radiodifusión del Estado Mexicano (SPR) has been allocated a budget of MXN 435.8 million. This represents a significant reduction of nearly 43% compared to the MXN 766.5 million allocated in 2024, according to media reports.

Within this budget, MXN 100 million is earmarked for expanding the SPR’s television coverage. This investment aims to increase the network’s reach from its current coverage of 75.69% of the Mexican population to approximately 86.09%, potentially serving an additional 33 million people through the installation of new retransmission stations across the country.

Editorial independence

On paper, SPR enjoys full operational and editorial autonomy, with a legal mandate to provide pluralistic and nonpartisan programming. In practice, however, its editorial line often mirrors the presidential narrative. The current director, journalist Jenaro Villamil, was handpicked by former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) and has long been a vocal supporter of the president. Villamil is known for his pointed criticism of AMLO’s political opponents, raising questions about the broadcaster’s impartiality.

Editorial independence came under the spotlight in early 2019 when former director Armando Carrillo resigned months before the end of his term. Though officially framed as a voluntary departure, media reports suggested he stepped down under political pressure and unproven allegations of corruption—seen by many as a sign of the shifting political winds at SPR.

Under Villamil’s leadership, SPR consistently broadcast AMLO’s daily mañaneras—his trademark morning press conferences, often used to highlight government achievements and publicly chastise critics, including major newspapers. In a 2019 interview with La Jornada, a left-leaning daily, Villamil acknowledged that the former president exerted influence over SPR’s editorial agenda and requested certain tones and topics in its coverage.

In the lead-up to the June 2024 presidential elections, SPR was widely accused of favoring candidates from AMLO’s Morena party, casting further doubt on its editorial neutrality. Though Claudia Sheinbaum, AMLO’s chosen successor, was elected president and assumed office in October 2024, no sweeping editorial shifts have been noticed. Sheinbaum, a protégé of AMLO, is widely seen as carrying forward his political and media strategies.

Legal framework and oversight

According to the Public Media Act, SPR is granted “technical, operational, decision-making, and management autonomy.” Its mission is to provide non-commercial, inclusive broadcasting that fosters national unity, promotes civic and cultural education, and ensures balanced, timely news coverage. However, while the legal framework suggests a firewall against government overreach, reality paints a murkier picture: since AMLO’s rise to power, the broadcaster has routinely leaned toward the former president’s narrative.

Like all licensed broadcasters in Mexico, SPR must adhere to Article 259 of the Federal Telecommunications and Broadcasting Act, which requires every outlet to maintain a Code of Ethics and an Ombudsman to investigate viewer complaints and ensure ethical compliance. SPR also has a Citizen Council, appointed by the Senate, tasked with offering editorial guidance and fostering public accountability. Yet critics argue that these bodies have little real teeth when it comes to curbing political influence.

May 2025

Media assets

Radio: La Voz del Sandinismo

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

According to local journalists in Managua interviewed for this report in May 2024 and January 2025, La Voz del Sandinismo is directly affiliated with the FSLN’s communications apparatus. Though formally presented as a media outlet, its governance and editorial direction are fully controlled by the party leadership. The website and its associated social media accounts are administered by individuals appointed by the FSLN’s central command, with no separation between political messaging and journalistic practice.

Source of funding and budget

As of May 2025, there is no financial transparency regarding the funding of La Voz del Sandinismo. Its operations are presumed to be supported by a combination of party funds and undisclosed public resources. No oversight body or independent institution monitors its activities or spending. Its role further exemplifies the deep fusion of party, state, and media in Nicaragua’s authoritarian information ecosystem.

Editorial independence

The publication’s content is entirely partisan, designed to promote the image of President Daniel Ortega, Vice President Rosario Murillo, and the broader Sandinista political agenda. It routinely publishes favorable reports on government programs, reprints official communiqués, and aggressively attacks critics, opposition parties, and independent journalists.

There is no editorial independence or journalistic neutrality; La Voz del Sandinismo serves strictly as a communication arm of the ruling party.

May 2025

Media assets

Radio: La Voz de las Huastecas, La Voz de la Costa Chica, La Voz de los Cuatro Pueblos, La Voz de los Vientos, La Voz de la Sierra Norte, La Voz de la Chinantla, La Voz de los Tres Rios, La Voz de la Sierra Juarez, La Voz de los Mayas, La Voz de los P’urhepechas, La Voz de la Mixteca, La Voz del Valle, La Voz de la Sierra Tarahumara, Las Tres Voces de Durango, La Voz de la Frontera Sur, La Voz del Corazón de la Selva, La Voz de la Sierra de Zongolica, La Voz de la Montaña, La Voz del Pueblo Hñähñú, La Voz de los Chontales, La Voz del Gran Pueblo, La Voz de la Sierra Oriente

State Media Matrix Typology

Independent State-Funded and State-Managed (ISFM)

Ownership and governance

SRCI stations are managed by the Radio Department of the INPI, a federal government entity. While Article 2 of the Mexican Constitution mandates the state’s responsibility to create conditions enabling indigenous peoples to own and operate their media, in practice, these frequencies remain under government control. This structure reflects ongoing tensions between constitutional ideals and operational realities in the realm of indigenous media ownership.

Source of funding and budget

SRCI operates under the auspices of the National Institute of Indigenous Peoples (INPI) and relies primarily on federal funding. Despite their significant role in indigenous communities, these stations function on modest budgets.

As of the latest available data, SRCI receives an annual allocation of approximately MXN 13 million (around US$ 614,000), averaging about MXN 590,000 (US$ 27,000) per station per year. This limited funding underscores the challenges faced in sustaining and expanding indigenous broadcasting initiatives.

Editorial independence

The proximity of SRCI stations to the communities they serve fosters a unique form of accountability. Community members often engage directly with station personnel, providing immediate feedback and ensuring content remains relevant and respectful. This grassroots oversight helps maintain editorial integrity and prevents the stations from becoming mere mouthpieces for governmental agendas.

Legal Framework and Oversight

While SRCI operates within the framework of the INPI and adheres to internal regulations, including a code of conduct, these measures do not equate to full editorial independence. In March 2018, SRCI updated its code of ethics and appointed an Ombudsman in compliance with the 2014 telecommunications and broadcasting law, aiming to enhance transparency and accountability within its operations.

May 2025