Today, TRT operates a dozen television channels, most of which broadcast across the nation. Among these, TRT World stands out as it broadcasts internationally in English, catering to a global audience. Additionally, TRT owns radio channels with both a nationwide and local reach.

Media assets

Television: TRT1, TRT2, TRT Spor, TRT Cocuk, TRT Kurdi, TRT Arabi, TRT Muzik, TRT Belgesel, TRT Haber, TRT Turk, TRT Avaz, TRT World

Radio: National- Radyo 1, TRT FM, Radyo 3, TRT Nagme, TRT Turku, Voice of Turkey; Regional- Antalya Radyosu, Cukurova Radyosu, Erzurum Radyosu, Radyo GAP, Trabzon Radyosu, Kent Radyo Istanbul, Kent Radyo Ankara, Kent Radyo Izmir

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

The operations of TRT are governed by the Radio and Television Law, which delineates its objectives, powers, and responsibilities. The management of TRT is under the purview of the General Director (sometimes called Director General) and a multi-member board, which includes the General Director.

Previously, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK), a Turkish state agency responsible for regulating radio and television broadcasters, held significant influence over the composition of TRT’s governing bodies. This was due to its legal authority to nominate candidates for the positions of General Director and Board members, from whom the government would then make appointments.

As of 2018, a presidential decree resulted in TRT being affiliated with the Presidential Communication Authority (the Directorate of Communications), and RTÜK being associated with the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. This change formalized a closer institutional link between TRT and the Presidency.

In July 2025, Mehmet Zahid Sobacı was reappointed for a second four-year term as Director-General of TRT. He first took office in July 2021, replacing İbrahim Eren. 

Source of funding and budget

TRT’s funding model has long relied on a combination of earmarked taxes and government transfers, though the structure has shifted in recent years. Historically, revenues came from two main compulsory sources: a license fee collected through electricity bills and a so-called bandrol tax levied on electronic devices such as television and radio sets, and mobile phones. The electricity fee, which had been in place since 1984, was abolished in 2021 amid growing public anger over rising utility costs, leaving the broadcaster increasingly dependent on the bandrol tax and direct government allocations. According to analyses, this change tightened TRT’s reliance on state funding, with the bandrol tax and central budget transfers now constituting the overwhelming majority of its income.

According to media reports, TRT’s total revenues in 2021 amounted to TRY 5.6bn (US$ 488m), most of which was sourced from the government. In 2020, approximately 90% of TRT’s total budget was funded through the tax collected from electronic devices and the electricity bill.

TRT’s financial model has shifted decisively toward near-total reliance on compulsory fees and government support. In 2023, the broadcaster’s total revenue reached TRY 21.14 billion, of which an overwhelming 86.3% (TRY 18.24 billion) came from bandrol licensing fees on electronic devices. By contrast, advertising and other commercial sources accounted for only 13.7%, down from 17% in 2022. This marks a steep increase in dependence on taxpayer-derived income: in 2022, bandrol fees represented 80.1% of total revenue, already a dominant share but still lower than the 2023 figure.

Editorial independence

Despite constitutional provisions asserting its independence, TRT has consistently been subjected to intense political control throughout its existence. Defined as an “impartial public entity” by the radio and television law, TRT has continually faced pressure from authorities due to the government’s power to appoint its governing structures. This political pressure has significantly intensified since the AKP (Justice and Development Party) came to power two decades ago. The failed coup attempt in 2016 further exacerbated the situation, culminating in a 2018 presidential decree that placed the broadcaster under the jurisdiction of the Directorate of Communications, a unit within the presidential authority.

Over the past decade, independent evaluations have consistently found that TRT’s editorial stance is heavily biased in favor of the government. A 2019 report from the European Union stated that TRT’s editorial policy, as a public service broadcaster, continued to show “a significant pro-government bias.” This bias became even more pronounced after TRT was placed under direct presidential control in 2018, further aligning the broadcaster’s editorial policy with the government’s agenda.

A member of the opposition, who also serves on the media regulator RTUK, stated in May 2023 that a quarter of the daily programming time on TRT is dedicated to disseminating government propaganda.

Legal provisions exist that mandate TRT’s editorial independence; however, they lack tangible safeguards to ensure this independence. Multiple sources suggest that the Erdoğan government exercises control over the broadcaster, indicating disregard for these legal provisions.

During the most recent research phase, no independent assessment or oversight mechanism was identified that could confirm the outlet’s editorial independence.

September 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Hurriyet, Milliyet, Posta, Hurriyet Daily News, Fanatik, Milliyet Sanat, Vatan

Television: Kanal D, CNN Turk, Teve2, Dream TV, Dream Turk, Euro D

Radio: Radyo D, CNN Turk Radio

News agency: Demiroren News Agency (DHA)

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

The Demirören family controls the conglomerate. After the death of founder Erdoğan Demirören in 2018, his son Yıldırım Demirören assumed the chairmanship of the holding. His siblings, Fikret Tayfun Demirören and Meltem Oktay, also hold significant shares, each controlling roughly 26% of Demirören Holding. The family has long maintained close personal and political ties with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Tevfik Kınık has served as CEO of Demirören Holding since 2019, though strategic control of media assets remains firmly with the family.

Source of funding and budget

Demirören’s finances remain opaque. While the group earns commercial revenue from circulation, advertising, and sponsorships, the sustainability of its media branch is widely attributed to state-mediated financing. A substantial portion of income comes from public advertising allocated by the Press Advertisement Institution (BİK) and other state agencies, as well as favorable credit arrangements.

The 2018 acquisition of Doğan Media Group, valued at approximately US$ 916 million, was financed almost entirely through a low-interest loan from Ziraat Bank. Allegations persist, most notably raised by exiled mafia boss Sedat Peker in 2021, that the loan remains largely unpaid, though the bank has refused to disclose repayment details.

In 2023, Hürriyet reported total revenues of TRY 741 million (approx. US$ 25 million), with circulation and printing accounting for more than half of this income. No comprehensive financial data is available for 2024 or forecasts for 2025–2026.

Editorial independence

All outlets within the Demirören Group are overtly supportive of the government, consistently amplifying the policies of President Erdoğan and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) while relentlessly criticizing the opposition. The group’s media routinely provides favourable coverage of government initiatives, often framing dissenting voices as destabilising or unpatriotic.

The editorial capture of the group became visible after the 2011 acquisition of Milliyet and Vatan. Both newspapers, which had previously published critical investigations and a diversity of political commentary, rapidly abandoned that role and adopted an openly pro-government line. The pattern repeated itself in 2018, when Demirören took over Doğan Media Group, which included Hürriyet — long regarded as Turkey’s most influential daily — as well as Posta and widely viewed television channels such as CNN Türk and Kanal D. The sale was widely described by local journalists as a turning point that dealt a major blow to pluralism in Turkey’s mainstream media, effectively silencing one of the last large critical voices.

Since then, CNN Türk in particular has become emblematic of the group’s editorial subordination to political power. In the run-up to the 2023 local elections, it and other Demirören outlets were accused of systematically distorting or downplaying statements by opposition parties, while providing wall-to-wall positive coverage of government candidates. Similar patterns were documented again in the first half of 2024, when opposition representatives complained that interviews were edited to their disadvantage or cancelled outright, reinforcing accusations of structural bias in election coverage.

The intimate ties between the Demirören family and the President have long facilitated direct political interference in newsroom decisions. Leaked recordings of phone calls between Erdoğan and Erdoğan Demirören, the founder of the group, revealed the President instructing the owners on how to frame sensitive stories. Such evidence of interference has never been publicly disavowed. Instead, successive editorial appointments at Hürriyet, Milliyet, and CNN Türk have further entrenched pro-government control, while critical columnists and reporters have either been dismissed or forced into self-censorship.

No independent oversight or self-regulatory mechanism exists to guarantee editorial independence within the group. On the contrary, a growing body of reports since 2022 documents systematic censorship practices, including the removal of articles critical of government policy and restrictions on coverage of corruption cases. This environment has contributed to what local media experts describe as one of the most extreme cases of media capture in Turkey’s recent history, consolidating Demirören’s outlets as instruments of government propaganda rather than independent journalism.

September 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Newspapers- Yeni Şafak; Magazines- Derin Tarih, Skyroad, Z Raporu, Lokma, Nihayet, CINS, Genc motto, Bilge cocuk, Bilge minik, Gercek Hayat, Post Öykü

Television: TV Net

News portal: GZT, Arkitekt, mecra

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Albayrak Medya is controlled by the Albayrak family, a conglomerate whose business interests stretch far beyond media into construction, transportation, logistics, tourism, and defence. The six Albayrak brothers – Ahmet, Nuri, Bayram, Kazım, Mustafa, and Muzaffer – maintain collective ownership. Their relationship with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is longstanding and close; one of the brothers attended high school with him, and the two families maintain visible social and political ties.

The board of directors is composed entirely of family members. No outside stakeholders hold significant shares or executive positions. In practice, this creates a closed governance structure where editorial and business decisions remain firmly under the family’s control. As of 2024, there is no evidence of changes in ownership. Leadership positions have occasionally shifted among family members, but no transparent information is available about a professionalised CEO or independent management structure.

Source of funding and budget

Albayrak Medya does not publish financial accounts, and no audited reports are available for 2024 or projections for 2025–2026. Nevertheless, multiple independent reports and interviews with journalists confirm that the group’s media operations are subsidised by profits from its parent conglomerate’s construction and logistics businesses.

The holding has benefitted significantly from state contracts. Estimates published in 2021 indicated that the group secured public tenders worth more than TRY 7 billion (approx. USD 562 million at the 2021 average exchange rate) over 11 years. Local experts interviewed in 2024 noted that these contracts have continued in recent years, particularly in infrastructure and urban transport. In parallel, Yeni Şafak and other Albayrak media outlets are major recipients of state advertising through the Press Advertisement Agency (Basın İlan Kurumu), which acts as a crucial source of operating revenue.

Editorial independence

The editorial line of Albayrak Medya outlets is unambiguously aligned with the Erdoğan administration. Yeni Şafak and TV NET consistently support government policy, while opposition parties are covered in a critical and often hostile tone. This positioning has earned the group a reputation as one of the most loyal private media holdings in Turkey.

Ownership interference in editorial matters is systematic. Journalists working for the group report that hiring and firing decisions are based primarily on loyalty to the owners and their political allies. In September 2023, a number of reporters were dismissed abruptly without explanation, an incident that reinforced perceptions of political interference in newsroom management. Local sources interviewed for this report in 2024 confirmed that such interventions remain common.

There is no statute, charter, or internal oversight body guaranteeing editorial independence within Albayrak Medya. The most recent assessments confirm that no independent mechanism exists to shield journalists from political or owner influence.

September 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Newspapers- Sabah, Fotomac, Takvim, Daily Sabah, Yeni Asir, Daily Sabah; Magazines- Bebeğim ve Biz, China Today, Cosmopolitan, Cosmopolitan Bride, Esquire, Forbes Türkiye, Harper’s Bazaar, HomeArt, House Beautiful, Lacivert, Otohaber, Para, Sofra Şamdan Plus, Vogue Türkiye

Television: ATV, a Haber, a News, a Para, a Spor, ATV Europe, minika, a2, Vav TV

Radio: A Haber Radio, A Spor Radio, Radio Turkuvaz, Vav Radio

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Zirve Holding, under control of Ömer Faruk Kalyoncu of the Kalyon Group, fully owns Turkuvaz Medya. The Kalyon Group is a conglomerate operating in construction, energy, and infrastructure sectors. Zirve Holding was established in September 2013 with the objective of acquiring media outlets.

Turkuvaz Media was established using funds acquired from bribes contributed by pro-government businessmen in Turkey, reportedly at the behest of President Erdoğan. These funds were ostensibly solicited by the presidency as a prerequisite for securing future government contracts. According to journalists who have spent a decade investigating the group we spoke with in March 2023, existing media outlets under Turkuvaz’s control, including newspapers such as Takvim and Yeni Asir, were transferred to Turkuvaz through various deals and arrangements.

The owner of Turkuvaz Medya is recognized as a steadfast ally of President Erdogan. In 2013, Erdogan, who was then the Prime Minister, personally orchestrated the sale of numerous media outlets owned by Calik Holding. These were sold to oligarchs closely aligned with the government, who were guaranteed public contracts in return for their agreement to these purchases. The media outlets managed by Turkuvaz Medya were included in this transaction. 

Despite being privately owned, Turkuvaz Medya operates under stringent government control, specifically under the Presidency’s supervision. For instance, Berat Albayrak, the former Minister of Energy and Erdoğan’s son-in-law, held the position of vice-chairman at Turkuvaz Medya for a significant period. Additionally, the President’s frequent attendance at family events of Turkuvaz’s owner underscores the close-knit relationship between the President and the supportive oligarchy.

Turkuvaz is also reported to have provided logistical support for the initiation of Eha Medya, a news portal established in 2018 by the Turkish intelligence services. This platform is designed to promote the perspectives and positions of President Erdoğan.

Source of funding and budget

Turkuvaz Medya does not publicly disclose its detailed funding sources. Nevertheless, local journalists who closely monitor state expenditure within the Turkish media have reported that the media outlets managed by the holding company receive considerable state funding. A significant portion of this support comes from advertising, provided either by the central government or by local municipalities under the control of the AKP. Additionally, Turkuvaz’s media outlets generate substantial revenue through commercial advertising.

Editorial independence

Most media articles and reports often label outlets under Turkuvaz Medya as “pro-government” due to their consistently favorable coverage of the government and critical stance toward the opposition. Local journalists suggest that Turkuvaz’s media outlets are tightly controlled by individuals loyal to the Presidency. For instance, some columnists at Sabah also serve as advisers to the President.

The most recent research round for this report has failed to identify any statute that guarantees the editorial independence of Turkuvaz media outlets. Nor was any independent assessment or oversight mechanism identified that could confirm such independence.

September 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Newspapers- Akşam Gazetesi, Güneş Gazetesi, Star; Magazines- Alem, Platin

Television: 24TV, 360, TV4

Radio: Alem FM, Lig Radyo

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Turk Medya was established following the acquisition of Es Yayincilik by businessman Zeki Yeşildağ in 2017. The company, previously owned by entrepreneur Ethem Sancak, consisted of three television channels, three newspapers, and two radio stations. Zeki Yeşildağ now co-owns Turk Medya with his brother, Hasan Yeşildağ, who is widely recognized as a staunch supporter and ally of President Erdoğan. 

Source of funding and budget

Public records detailing the revenues of media outlets operated by Turk Medya are non-existent. As with all media groups under the control of oligarchic structures aligned with the President, Turk Media receives significant funding from the government. However, local journalists have been unable to determine the proportion of government funding in the total budget of the media outlets managed by Turk Media. It is known, however, that a large portion of their funding also comes from ad sales.

Editorial independence

Turk Medya’s media outlets have long mirrored the political stance of the ruling party, AKP, even prior to their acquisition by Zeki Yeşildağ in 2017. The previous proprietor, affluent businessman Ethem Sancak, was personally requested by Erdoğan to oversee this media conglomerate. Upon his appointment to the AKP’s Central Decision and Administration Board in 2017, Sancak requested Erdoğan’s approval to divest from the media business. Sancak has never been reticent about his admiration for Erdoğan, once describing his sentiments towards the President as “passionate love.” 

The media outlets run by Turk Medya identify themselves as a fundamental pillar of the “New Turkey,” a term frequently used by Erdogan to articulate his vision for Turkey’s future. Zeki Yesildag maintains a close relationship with Erdogan. Previously, he was elected as a member of the Istanbul City Council representing Erdogan’s party. Moreover, Erdogan has frequently included Yesildag in his official overseas trips.

The most recent research did not identify any statute or legal framework that clearly establishes editorial independence for Turk Medya’s outlets. During the most recent research round for this report, no independent oversight mechanism was found that could validate or guarantee such editorial independence.

September 2025

Media assets

Television: Kanal 7, Kanal 7 Avrupa, Ulke TV

Radio: Radyo 7

News portal: Haber7, Izle7, Yasemin

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Ownership of Hayat Gorsel is divided equally among four shareholders: Zekeriya Karaman, İsmail Karahan, Mustafa Çelik, and Zahid Akman. Each holds 25% of the company. All four were implicated in the so-called “Lighthouse” (Deniz Feneri) scandal in the early 2010s, a major embezzlement case that led to their imprisonment. Although the charges were eventually dismissed in 2015, the episode continues to be cited as an example of the political protection enjoyed by media figures close to the government.

The political ties of the owners extend beyond business: for instance, Zekeriya Karaman’s family is directly connected to President Erdoğan’s family through marriage, while Mustafa Çelik’s daughter was elected as a Member of Parliament for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). These familial and political linkages highlight the deep integration of Hayat Gorsel into Turkey’s political elite.

Source of funding and budget

Financial transparency remains limited. Local journalists interviewed for this report in May 2024 noted that the conglomerate benefits from a steady stream of advertising contracts with both state institutions and private companies, but the exact share of state-sponsored advertising in its turnover remains unknown. This opacity reflects the broader lack of accountability in Turkey’s media market, where state advertising is a key instrument of political influence.

Editorial independence

Editorially, the group’s outlets are known for their consistent support of the government and President Erdoğan. Their content regularly echoes government talking points and refrains from publishing dissenting perspectives. This alignment is widely attributed to the close personal and political ties between the owners and the ruling party.

We have not identified any statutes, internal codes, or independent oversight mechanisms that could safeguard editorial independence within Hayat Gorsel’s media operations. In practice, this absence of structural guarantees cements the group’s role as a loyalist media platform rather than an independent news provider.

September 2025

Media assets

Television: Show TV, Show Turk, Show Max, Haberturk TV

Radio: Bloomberg HT Radyo

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

For more than a decade, Ciner Media Group’s ownership structure revolved around the tightly controlled holdings of Turgay Ciner, who maintained sole ownership through a complex set of companies ultimately tied to his industrial and mining empire. Beyond media, Ciner had built considerable wealth in energy, construction and mining, sectors that also provided lucrative state contracts and positioned him as a businessman with strong ties to the political establishment.

His relationship with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was particularly well-documented, with Ciner frequently attending presidential functions and even naming one of his sports facilities after the head of state. This close political association was reflected in the editorial orientation of Ciner’s outlets, which consistently offered supportive coverage of government policies and cultivated a strongly pro-government stance. Independent observers and journalists regularly pointed out that there were no statutes or oversight mechanisms in place to guarantee editorial autonomy within Ciner Media, and assessments by watchdog organisations repeatedly underlined the group’s alignment with political power rather than with professional journalistic standards.

The most dramatic development in the history of the group came in December 2024, when Ciner exited the media business altogether. After months of speculation, Ciner Yayın Holding announced the sale of its entire media portfolio—including Habertürk, Show TV, Bloomberg HT and affiliated digital and radio channels—to Can Holding, another diversified Turkish conglomerate. The deal was widely reported in the Turkish press and valued at approximately US$800 million. ). With this transaction, one of the country’s last privately owned large-scale media empires passed into the hands of a new corporate actor, led by the Can family, whose business interests span energy, cement, logistics and real estate.

Following the acquisition, operational management remained in the hands of experienced media executive Mehmet Kenan Tekdağ, who had long served as chairman of Ciner Media Group. Tekdağ was confirmed in his leadership role by the new owners, a decision widely interpreted as a sign of continuity in editorial and business operations. ). However, ultimate control shifted to the Can family, with Kemal Can and other family members now formally overseeing the group’s strategic direction.

Source of funding and budget

The sale effectively ended Turgay Ciner’s 15-year presence in Turkish media, but it did not significantly change the opacity surrounding financial operations. Neither under Ciner nor under Can Holding have the companies published detailed accounts of their media revenues. What is publicly known is that the valuation of the deal reflected the high commercial value of television assets such as Show TV and the strategic importance of Bloomberg HT in business reporting. Still, reliable figures for advertising revenues or budgets for 2024 and projections for 2025–2026 are not available. Analysts interviewed for this report in May 2025 noted that, as with other Turkish conglomerates, cross-subsidies from the parent group’s industrial contracts and state-linked business deals are likely to remain a key source of financial stability for the media arm.

Editorial independence

Editorially, the new ownership has not yet resulted in visible changes. As of mid-2025, no major shifts in leadership at the level of editors-in-chief have been announced, nor have there been discernible alterations in editorial line. Observers therefore expect Can Holding to maintain the broadly pro-government orientation that characterised the group under Ciner, though whether this alignment will deepen or moderate remains to be seen. Concerns about the lack of institutional safeguards for independence remain valid, as the group continues to operate without statutes ensuring journalistic autonomy or independent oversight mechanisms.

The reorganization of ownership in late 2024 thus marks the beginning of a new chapter in the history of one of Turkey’s most influential private media groups. While Turgay Ciner has withdrawn entirely from the sector, the continuity of management under Mehmet Kenan Tekdağ and the arrival of Can Holding suggest that the political and commercial alignment of the outlets is unlikely to undergo radical change. At the same time, the sheer scale of the transaction, coupled with the concentration of ownership in yet another conglomerate closely connected to state-linked industries, reinforces concerns about the persistent erosion of pluralism and independence in the Turkish media landscape.

September 2025

İhlas Media Holding operates its media assets through a range of individual companies. Its portfolio includes the Türkiye newspaper (Türkiye Gazetesi), İhlas News Agency (İHA), television channels such as TGRT News (TGRT Haber), TGRT Documentary (Belgesel), TGRT EU, TGRT FM radio, and the news portal Netgazete.com. Additionally, the holding owns several cooking or food websites.

Media assets

Publishing: Turkiye Gazetesi

Television: TGRT News, TGRT Documentary, TGRT EU

News agency: IHA

News portal: Netgazete

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

İhlas Media Holding (İhlas Yayın Holding) was formally established in July 2003 as the media arm of İhlas Group and began publicly listing its shares on Borsa İstanbul in November 2010, a move that increased transparency compared to most Turkish media companies, as it requires annual reporting and disclosure of shareholder structures.

As of 2024, İhlas Holding is the largest single shareholder, with a stake of around 24 percent in the media division. Approximately 74 percent of shares are freely traded on the stock exchange, while a small proportion is held by senior executives, notably Ahmet Mücahid Ören, who continues to serve as Chairman of the Board and remains the most influential figure in the company’s governance.

Day-to-day management is handled by Mustafa Erdoğan, who holds the dual role of Vice Chairman and General Manager, effectively functioning as the chief executive of the group. Other senior figures include Abdullah Tuğcu, responsible for finance and coordination, and Sait Eken, who oversees TGRT Haber and TGRT Belgesel. This governance structure has remained stable into 2025, with no significant changes in either ownership composition or executive leadership.

Source of funding and budget

Because İhlas Media Holding is publicly listed, it is one of the few major Turkish media conglomerates for which reliable financial data are available. According to the company’s financial statements, the media segment reported revenues of approximately TRY 2.48 billion in 2024, compared to TRY 2.56 billion in 2023, reflecting a slight year-on-year decline of around three percent. Despite the sizable revenues, the group reported a net loss of TRY 227 million in 2024, reversing earlier years of profitability.

Within the wider İhlas Holding structure, which generated TRY 10.3 billion in revenue in 2024, media remains a visible but financially pressured sector. These results suggest the company has struggled to maintain profitability under rising costs and changing advertising markets. Forecasts for 2025 and 2026 are not publicly available, although annual reports hint at continued investment in digital transformation and expansion of English-language products, which are expected to become central to the group’s financial strategy. Like other oligarch-controlled conglomerates, İhlas benefits from state advertising and other public contracts, but the extent of government-derived funding remains undisclosed.

Editorial independence

Editorially, İhlas Media Holding has consistently aligned itself with the government and President Erdoğan. While the company’s reports stress reliable and impartial journalism, independent observers interviewed for this report in May 2024 and March 2025 noted that its outlets, particularly Türkiye Gazetesi and TGRT Haber, adopt a staunchly pro-government line. This has often included campaigns against opposition parties, independent journalists, or rival media houses. One of the most striking incidents occurred in 2017, when columnists at Türkiye openly urged the government to seize the assets of the then-independent Doğan Media Group, a call that prefigured the government-backed takeover of Doğan the following year.

More recent developments confirm continuity rather than change in this editorial posture. In 2024 the company launched Türkiye Today, an English-language news outlet, presented as a step to globalize the group’s brand. However, critics consulted for this report in March 2025 argue that the new venture replicates the pro-government line of its Turkish-language outlets rather than offering independent or diverse perspectives. The company’s own messaging underlines its self-perception as a “responsible” voice in national debates, highlighting appreciation by state officials, but there are no independent oversight mechanisms or statutory protections for editorial independence within the group’s governance.

September 2025

Media assets

Television: NTV, Star TV, Eurostar, TV8

Radio: NTV Radyo, Kral Muzik, Kral FM, Kral Pop Radio,

News portal: PuhuTV

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Doğuş Holding was founded in 1951 by Ayhan Şahenk, who built the company initially around construction. Following his death in 2001, his son Ferit F. Şahenk took over leadership and today serves as Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the group. The Şahenk family continues to control nearly all of the media arm, with reports showing that they directly own over 99% of Doğuş Media Group. While some of the conglomerate’s subsidiaries in sectors like automotive and real estate are listed and partially publicly traded, the media division remains tightly held within the family.

Source of funding and budget

Doğuş Media relies primarily on advertising revenues to sustain its operations, though like other large conglomerates it also indirectly benefits from its parent company’s broad commercial interests. No detailed public financial breakdown exists for Doğuş Media specifically, making it difficult to assess the precise scale of its media revenues in 2024 or projected figures for 2025–2026.

Editorial independence

Editorial independence remains the most contested dimension of Doğuş Holding’s media operations. Since the early 2010s, its outlets have demonstrated a clear reluctance to challenge the government, reflecting the group’s strategy to safeguard its wider business interests in construction, real estate, and other lucrative sectors dependent on state contracts. This caution was most visible during the 2013 Gezi Park protests, when Doğuş-owned broadcasters, like other oligarch-controlled media outlets, refrained from covering mass demonstrations critical of the government.

Subsequent monitoring by international watchdogs, including Reporters Without Borders, has underscored the lack of pluralism in Turkey’s mainstream media landscape, where outlets owned by major conglomerates such as Doğuş are particularly susceptible to political influence. Local journalists interviewed in 2023 and 2024 reiterated that Doğuş outlets continue to avoid content critical of the government and follow editorial lines aligned with the priorities of ruling authorities.

No formal statutes or independent oversight mechanisms were identified that guarantee editorial autonomy for Doğuş Holding’s media assets. In practice, editorial directives are often shaped by political and commercial pressures rather than professional standards of independence. Despite speculation in 2019 that the group might distance itself from the Erdoğan administration, no substantive changes in editorial policy were observed in the subsequent years, including the most recent research phase in 2025.

September 2025

Media assets

News agency: Anadolu

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Anadolu Agency is formally a joint-stock company established by the Turkish state. Its ownership remains under the Undersecretariat of Treasury. With the ascent of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) to power, the agency, along with the public broadcaster TRT, has experienced increasing political pressure.

A presidential decree (in 2019) placed Anadolu under the Directorate of Communications, a department directly managed by the Presidency. Under that decree, the Presidency was given full auditing powers over the agency, and the authority to appoint its management, and to oversee its operations, including budget and staffing decisions.

As of the most recent data, Serdar Karagöz serves as President and CEO (Director-General / Chairman of the Board) of Anadolu Agency. He was appointed in 2021. 

Source of funding and budget

Most of Anadolu Agency’s funding comes from state subsidies. This has been reported by local journalists and experts interviewed for this report in May 2024 and March 2025.

Editorial independence

Anadolu has traditionally functioned as a pro-government news agency. Recent years show an increasing bias toward the Turkish government, especially the Presidency. Changes since the 2019 decree have further intertwined the agency’s operations with Presidential oversight. 

No statute guarantees Anadolu’s editorial independence in law; editorial guidelines (e.g. for coverage of emergencies, disasters, terrorist attacks) exist, but oversight mechanisms independent of the Presidency or state governance have not been found.

September 2025