MTVA merged Duna Médiaszolgáltató, which managed the public broadcasters Hungarian Radio, Hungarian Television, and Duna Television, with the Hungarian News Agency (Magyar Távirati Iroda, MTI). With around 2,500 employees, MTVA remains Hungary’s largest media company, overseeing multiple television and radio channels as well as a news portal operated by MTI. 

Media assets

Television: MTV (M1 HD, M2 HD, M3, M4 Sport, M5), Duna TV, Duna World

Radio: MR (Kossuth Rádió, Petőfi Rádió, Bartók Rádió, Nemzetiségi Adások, Parlamenti Adások, Dankó Rádió, M4 Sport)

News agency: Magyar Távirati Iroda (MTI)

News portal: Hirado

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

After Fidesz, the party led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, won the 2010 elections, the government made significant legal changes that fundamentally transformed Hungary’s public media. A law passed in December 2010 created the Media Services and Support Trust Fund (MTVA), an entity responsible for managing Hungary’s formerly separate public broadcasting and news agency entities, including Hungarian Radio, Hungarian Television, Duna TV, and the national news agency MTI.

The institutions in MTVA are overseen by the Media Council, which is part of the National Media and Infocommunications Authority (NMHH). The Council is the regulatory authority for broadcasting and audiovisual media in Hungary. It is composed of five members elected by the Hungarian Parliament for nine-year terms. Members are nominated by Parliament’s Committee on Cultural Affairs and elected by a two-thirds parliamentary majority. The Media Council’s responsibilities include licensing broadcasters, monitoring compliance with media law, and, crucially, appointing and supervising the leaders of MTVA and Duna Médiaszolgáltató.

The Orban government claimed that the new structure of MTVA was intended to improve efficiency. However, this new governance structure gave the government easier access and greater power to control the country’s public media at once.

The Director of MTVA is Dániel Papp who has served as Director General of MTVA since 2018 and continues in this role as of mid-2025, overseeing Hungary’s public service media system. His tenure has been marked by close alignment with the Orbán government’s media policy, drawing international criticism over editorial independence.

Source of funding and budget

MTVA is primarily funded by the government and has a substantial budget by local standards. In 2019, MTVA received HUF 83.2bn (€270m) from the state budget. For comparison, the Hungarian state allocated approximately HUF 250bn to higher education in the same year, mostly state-run. In 2022, MTVA operated with a budget of HUF 130bn (€340m) from a state allocation, according to data from the independent news outlet Direkt36. A later report (2024) indicated that the MTVA budget was cut to HUF 126.6 billion. 

According to the broadcaster, MTVA received over HUF 100bn (€259m) in 2023 and finished the year with a deficit of HUF 4.6bn (€11.9m). In 2024, the government allocated HUF 142bn (€360m) for MTVA.

According to an NMHH document, in 2025, the Hungarian Parliament approved a budget of HUF 165.6 billion (€420 million) for MTVA, marking a substantial increase from 2024.

Editorial independence

After a new law was implemented in 2010, all public media in Hungary were unified under MTVA. Following this change, the Hungarian public broadcaster quickly came to reflect the views of the government. The new management dismissed independent journalists and significantly altered the editorial direction to align with government viewpoints. The law also granted the Hungarian News Agency (MTI) the “exclusive right” to create content for Hungarian Radio, Hungarian Television, and Duna Television, a departure from these institutions’ autonomy over their programming before 2010.

There has been extensive evidence of editorial pressure over the past decade, including bans on certain topics such as human-rights issues. Reports indicated that editors at MTVA received “lists of sensitive topics” from government officials, requiring coverage to be carefully planned in line with political interests.

Leaked internal documents and email correspondence revealed how government intervention has shaped content production at MTI, exposing the detailed workings of a systemic self-censorship mechanism.

Independent monitoring and EU-funded research have consistently found that Hungarian public media content has shown a clear pro-government bias since the restructuring of 2010.

The situation has not improved in recent years. Human Rights Watch reported in early 2024 that more than 1,600 journalists and media workers have been dismissed from MTVA since 2010 and replaced with politically loyal staff, a process that has entrenched editorial control). In October 2024, thousands protested outside MTVA headquarters demanding an end to what they described as “state media propaganda.”

There is still no domestic statute and no independent oversight mechanism that would guarantee or validate MTVA’s editorial independence.

September 2025

KESMA’s portfolio spans multiple sectors of the Hungarian media industry. In television, it controls Hír TV, one of the most prominent news channels. In radio, its assets include Gong Radio, Karc FM, Radio 1, and Retro Radio, all with wide national or regional audiences. Its publishing arm is vast, encompassing dailies such as 24 Óra, Délmagyarország, Észak-Magyarország, Hajdú-Bihari Napló, Kisalföld, Petőfi Népe, Somogyi Hírlap, Tolnai Népújság, Új Dunántúli Napló, Új Néplap, Vas Népe, and Zalai Hírlap, alongside a multitude of magazines, supplements, lifestyle publications, and advertising inserts ranging from Bors and Bravo to Figyelő and Nemzeti Sport. Many of these titles have weekly and monthly editions, as well as “extra” thematic publications on lifestyle, health, sports, gastronomy, real estate, and local business rankings. On the digital front, KESMA runs a wide range of portals including Origo.hu, Mandiner.hu, Ripost.hu, Lokál.hu, 888.hu, Travelo.hu, Life.hu, BorsOnline, and dozens of regional news sites affiliated with its local print titles such as delmagyar.hu, kisalfold.hu, haon.hu, heol.hu, kemma.hu, and szoljon.hu. This sprawling portfolio, estimated at nearly 500 outlets in total, is structured to cover virtually every segment of the Hungarian media market.

Media assets

Television: Hir TV

Radio: Gong Radio, Karc FM, Radio 1, Retro Radio

Publishing: 24 Óra, 24 Óra Grátisz, 24 ÓRA VASÁRNAP REGGEL, 50 ifjú tehetség, A 100 leggazdagabb magyar, A PROGRAM, A Sport, Agrár Top, Akik az élen járnak, Almanach Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén megye, Almanach Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg megye, ÁLOMPÁR, Alternatív energia magazin, Autó Bazár, Autó-Motor, Autó-Motor Különszám, AUTÓ-MOTOR SPORT, B.-A.-Z. megye városai, BARANYAI HÍRLAP, Bátonyterenyei Napló, Békés Grátisz, Békés Megyei Hírlap, BÉKÉS MEGYEI HÍRLAP GRÁTISZ, Békés Megyei Hírlap Vasárnap Reggel, BORS, Bors – így neveld a gyereket, Vasárnapi Bors, BORS Extra, BORS Gasztro Magazin, Bors Kedvencek – kisállat a lakásban, BORS Lakás és Kert Magazin, Bors Menü, BORS Rejtvény Magazin, BORS Strand Magazin, Bors Test és Lélek, BORS TV Magazin, Bors Verda, Borsod-Abaúj Zemplén TOP 100, Borsodi Apró, Borsodi kalauz, Borsodjobs, Borsodlak, borsodlak.hu, Bravo, Bravo Girl, Bravo Girl Tini Love, Bravo Különszám, Bravo Love, Bravo Popquiz, Bravo Poszter Special, Breki Magazin, Budapest 7 nap, Budapesti Téma, Bulvár Hírlap, Bulvár Újság, CAG, Cuvee Magazin, Családi takarék magazin, Csatlakozás, Csongrád megyei Info, Déli Apró, Déli Hírlap, Déli Szó, DÉLMAGYAR, Délmagyarország, Délmagyarország Heti TVMagazin (Délmagyarország/Délvilág melléklete), Délmagyarország Lakás és Kert Magazin, Délmagyarország Lilla Magazin, Délmagyarország Presztizs Magazin, Délmagyarország Programpont, Délmagyarország Regény Magazin, Délmagyarország Rejtvénymagazin (Délmagyarország/Délvilág melléklete), Délmagyarország Szabadidő Magazin, Délmagyarország-Délvilág, Délmagyarországi Cégregiszter, Délmagyarországi Gasztromagazin (a Délmagyarország/Délvilág melléklete), DÉLVILÁG – Csongrád Megyei Hírlap, Délvilág a Délmagyarország Tiszántúli kiadása, Diéta és Fitnesz, DUNÁNTÚLI NAPLÓ VASÁRNAP REGGEL, DUNAÚJVÁROSI HÍRLAP, Dunaújvárosi Hírlap Kereskedelmi Melléklet, Édes Élet magazin, Egy pillantásra, Észak Nap Lánya, Észak Top 100, Észak-keleti Napló, Észak-Magyarország, Észak-Magyarország Autó, Észak-Magyarország Cégkatalógus, Észak-Magyarország Otthonunk: Kert és lakás, Eszesmester (a Kisalföld melléklete), Európával építettük, Fanny, Fanny Extra, Fanny Horoszkóp, Fanny Konyha, Farmer expo magazin, Fejér Megye Gazdasági Értéktára TOP 100 + 400, FEJÉR MEGYEI HÍRLAP, Fejér Megyei Hírlap Kereskedelmi Melléklet, FEJÉR MEGYEI VASÁRNAP, Felsőoktatási rangsor, FERIENZEITUNG, FIGYELŐ, Figyelő TOP 200, Figyelő Trend, Fitt-egészség magazin, FourFourTwo Magazin (442), Gazdafigyelő, Gazdálkodj okosan magazin, Grátisz Kisváros, gyászhír.hu, gyászhirdetés.hu, Gyermekünk jövője magazin, Gyógyász, Gyógyír, Gyógyír egészség, életmód magazin, Gyógymódi, Hagyományból jövőt építünk, Hajdú Apró, Hajdú-Bihar Top 100, Hajdu-Bihari Napló, Hajdú-Bihari Napló Apró, Hajdú-Bihari Napló Cégkatalógus, Hajdújobs, Hajdulak, Hajdulak.hu, Hajrá, foci!, Hajrá! Sportmagazin, Haon, Harc Hírei, Haszongép Bazár, Háttér, Hegyalja- Bükkalja ízei, Hétfői, Keddi, Szerdai, Csütörtöki, Pénteki, Szombati, Vasárnapi bulvár, Heti Dél Sportja, Heti Műsorok, Heves Megyei Hírlap, Heves Megyei Hírlap Grátisz, Hevesi Apró, Hírpressz, hot!, hot! Extrák, Hot! Holiday Extra magazin, hot! Plasztika, hot! Sztárkvíz, HULLÁMHOSSZ, HUNGARY AROUND THE CLOCK, HÚSVÉTVÁRÓ, IM, IM Style, Ínyenc, Irányár Békés Megyei Hirdető, Irányár Bónusz, Iránytű felvételi magazin, IsMerj, ÍZÖZÖN (a Népszabadság melléklete), Jubiláló cégek magazin, Kamilla, Kelet Apró, Kelet Nap Lánya, Kelet Top 100, Kelet-Magyarország, Kelet-Magyarország Autó, Kelet-Magyarország Cégkatalógus, Képes Bulvár, Képes Ingatlan Borsodi Apró, Képes Ingatlan Hajdú Apró, Képes Ingatlan Heves Apró, Képes Ingatlan Keleti Apró, Képes Napi Lap, Képes Sport, Képes Sport Fans, Képes Sport Fans Posztermagazin, Képes Sport Különszám, KERÉKVILÁG-EXTRA, Ki kicsoda Debrecenben?, Ki kicsoda Hajdú-Bihar megyében?, Ki kicsoda Nyíregyházán?, Ki kicsoda Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg megyében?, Kis Kobold, Kisalföld, Kisalföld – K2 Hirdető, Kisalföld Börze, Kisalföld Építész, Kisalföld Heti TVMagazin (a Kisalföld melléklete), Kisalföld Infoquelle, Kisalföld K2 Magazin, Kisalföld Lakás és Kert Magazin, Kisalföld Lilla Magazin, Kisalföld Regény Magazin, Kisalföld Szabadidő Magazin, Kisalföldi Cégregiszter, Kisalföldi Gasztromagazin (a Kisalföld melléklete), Kisalföldi Presztizs Magazin, Kisalföldi Rejtvénymagazin (a Kisalföld melléklete), Komárom-Esztergom megyei 24 óra, KOMFORT, Kontúr, Kontúr Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén Üzleti és életstílus magazin, Kontúr Hajdú-Bihar megye Üzleti és életstílus-magazin, Kontúr Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg Üzleti és életstílus magazin, Különjárat-Autó–Motor extra, Lakás Építészet, Lakáskultúra, Lapcom Presztizs Top 100 Magazin, Levi Breki, Lokál, Lokál Extra, M 24, Magyar Bazár, Magyar Bazár Álmos, Magyar bazár Budapest, Magyar Bazár Huba, Magyar Bazár Koppány, Magyar Bulvár, Magyar Idők, Magyar termék – Megyei érték magazin, MAI NAP, Makói Hírdető, MakóInfo, MANAGER MAGAZIN, mancus.hu, Maradj itthon magazin, Marktuell, Megyei Hírdető, Miskolci Hírlap, Mozaik – Ju, MÓZESKOSÁR, N+Kókusz rejtvénymagazin, Nap Lánya, NAPI LAP, NAPI SPORT, Napló, Napló Kereskedelmi Melléklet, Napló Nap Lánya, Napló TOP 100, Napló tourist guide, Nemzeti Sport, Nemzeti Sport – Sport and Life, Nemzeti Sport Extra, Nemzeti Sport Kiadványok, Nemzeti Sport Magazin, Nemzeti Sport Vasárnap, Néplap, Népszabadság, Népszabadság Hétvége, Népszabadság Jótett, NÉPSZABADSÁG MAGAZIN, NÉPSZABADSÁG MULTIMÉDIA, Népszabadság Rejtvény, Népszabadság TOP-kiadványok, Népújság, Nógrád Megyei Hírlap, NON STOP BUDAPESTI MŰSOR MAGAZIN, Nők Világa, Online Apró, Önkormányzati választás 2014. (Észak-Magyarország), Önkormányzati választás 2014. (Hajdú-bihari Napló), Önkormányzati választás 2014. (Kelet-Magyarország), Örömest, Pálinkakóstoló, Pápai Hírlap, Partnereink a gazdaságban, Pest Megyei 7 Nap, PESTI IRÁNYÁR, Petőfi Népe, Petőfi Népe Grátisz, Polgármesteri évkönyv, POSZT, Prémium-Fejér megye, Prémium-Vas megye, Prémium-Veszprém megye, Prémium-Zala megye, REGGELI DÉLVILÁG, Ripost, Rtv tipp, Somogyi Hírlap, Somogyi Hírlap Grátisz, Soproni Szuperinfó, SopronPress, SPORT, Sport & Style, Sport évkönyv, SPORTFOGADÁS, SPORTFOGADÁS +, SPOT BUDAPESTI MŰSOR MAGAZIN, Sütés-főzés a Kelettel, Sütés-főzés a Naplóval, Sütés-főzés az Északkal, Szabad Föld, Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg TOP 100, Szabolcsi kalauz, Szabolcsjobs, Szabolcslak, Szabolcslak.hu, SZAJOLI KRÓNIKA, Számvitel, Adó, Könyvvizsgálat, Szécsényi Hírek, Szeged Magazin, SZEGEDI JANUÁR, FBRUÁR, MÁRCIUS, SZEGEDI NAPLÓ, SzegedInfo, Szentesi Hírdető, SzentesInfo, Szentgotthárd – kereskedelmi melléklet, SZÉPÍTÉSZET, SZERVUSZ, SZÍN-VONAL, Színes Bulvár, Színes Bulvár Lap, Színes Mai Lap Rejtvény-magazin, Szoboszlói Hirdető, Szu/Infó, TELE, TELESZUPER, Temesvári Infó, Test&Lélek Magazin, Tina, Tina Konyha, Tina Receptek, Tipp a fiatal lap, Tipp Debrecen, Tipp Miskolc, Tipp Nyíregyháza, Tolna Megyei Népújság, Tolnai Népújság, Tolnai Népújság Grátisz, Tolnai Népújság Vasárnap Reggel, Top 100 – A megye legnagyobb foglalkoztatói, TOP 101 – A legbefolyásosabb üzleti döntéshozók, Top 25 sikeres vállalkozásai, Top Szeged, topauto.hu, topjob.hu, Több, mint munkahely magazin, Traccs, TVműsor.hu, Új Bulvár, Új Dunántúli Napló, Új Dunántúli Napló Grátisz, Új Dunaújvárosi Hírlap, Új Magyar Bazár, Új Néplap, Új Néplap Grátisz, ÚJ NÉPLAP VASÁRNAP REGGEL, ÚJ SOMOGYI HÍRLAP, ÚJ VASÁRNAPI DUNÁNTÚLI NAPLÓ, Vas Megyei Cégregiszter, VAS NÉPE, Vas Népe Kereskedelmi Melléklet, VAS NÉPE kulturális és gasztronómiai melléklet, Vásárhelyi Hirdető, VásárhelyInfo, Vasárnap Reggel, Vasárnapi 24 Óra, Vasárnapi Békés Megyei Hírlap, Vasárnapi BORS, Vasárnapi Dunántúli Napló, Vasárnapi Észak, Vasárnapi Heves Megyei Hírlap, Vasárnapi Kelet, Vasárnapi Napló, Vasárnapi Petőfi Népe, Vasárnapi Somogyi Hírlap, Vasárnapi Tolnai Népújság, Vasárnapi Új Néplap, VENGERSZKIJ MERIDIAN, VG Kiadványok, Vidék Íze, Világgazdaság, Vitorlázás magazin, Zalai Hírlap, Zalai Hírlap Kereskedelmi Melléklet, Zalai Kalendárium, Ziccer, Ziccer -a nyíregyházi kosárlabdázók hírei

News portal: 24ora.hu, 888.hu, astronet.hu, automotor.hu, autonavigator.hu, bama.hu, baon.hu, beol.hu, bmhirlap.hu, Borsod Online, Borsodi Apró, BORSONLINE, City Weekend, Délmagyar.hu, Design bazár, dunantulinaplo.hu, Dunaújvárosi Hírlap online, Észak-Magyarország, F1 csatorna, fannykonyha.hu, Fejér Megyei Hírlap online, Figyelo.hu, FourFourTwo.hu, Gyászhír, Hajdú Apró, Hajdú Bihari Napló Online, Hajdú Online, Hajrá, foci!, heol.hu, Hevesi Apró, hevesmegyeihirlap.hu, Investor, Kelet – Magyarország Online, Keleti Apró, kemma.hu, kisalföld.hu, lakaskultura.hu, Life, Lokál.hu, Magyar Idők, MAGYAR Online, Mandiner.hu, mindmegette.hu, mon.hu, MSN Mai Nap, Napló OnLine, Nemzeti Sport Online, Népszabadság Online, Newsfeed, Nool.hu, Origo, Origo Sport, petofinepe.hu, Pink.hu, Pókermánia.hu, regiohir.hu, Ripost.hu, Russmedia, She, somogyihirlap.hu, sonline.hu, Soproni, Szuperinfo, Szegedma, szoljon.hu, Techjobs, teol.hu, tolnainepujsag.hu, TopÁr, Topaukció, Travelo, Tvműsor.hu, ujneplap.hu, Üzletrész, Vas Népe online, Vásárnaptár, Vetésforgó, vg.hu, Ingatlanbazar.hu, Licitaljram.hu, Likebalaton.hu, Premiummagazin.hu, Szon.hu, Vitorlazasmagazin.hu, Zalai Hírlap online

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

The outlets that make up KESMA were not established as state media in a formal sense but were gradually acquired or created over the previous decade by oligarchs close to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and the governing Fidesz party. In November 2018, a coordinated act of “donation” transferred these outlets en masse to the foundation. This manoeuvre was led by Gábor Liszkay, a veteran newspaper publisher with longstanding ties to Orbán, who was appointed as KESMA’s first chairman. Owners of the outlets received no financial compensation for transferring their assets.

By law, such a concentration of media ownership should have been subject to scrutiny by Hungary’s competition authority. However, Orbán’s government invoked a special clause in the Competition Act that exempts mergers deemed of “strategic national importance” from regulatory approval. In practice, this bypass nullified the role of antitrust regulators, allowing KESMA to be established without review or independent oversight.

In February 2019, the structure was consolidated further when 28 companies in the foundation were grouped under the management of Mediaworks, a publishing company previously owned by Lőrinc Mészáros, Orbán’s closest business ally. Through this step, all KESMA outlets came to share procurement, IT, marketing, legal, human resources, and cash flow systems. As a result, the central leadership, still tied to figures like Liszkay and later other Fidesz-loyal executives, gained unprecedented leverage over thousands of journalists and staff employed across the country.

As of 2025, the governance of KESMA remains firmly aligned with the ruling party. Reports confirm that while Liszkay is no longer the public face of the foundation, its leadership continues to be composed of figures with strong ties to Fidesz, and there have been no meaningful structural reforms or changes in ownership. The network remains as it was established in 2018: a private foundation formally independent of the state but politically captured through its leadership and editorial line.

Source of funding and budget

KESMA’s revenues are derived from advertising sales, circulation, and digital subscriptions, but a decisive share comes from government and government-linked advertising. While precise figures for 2024 and 2025 are not publicly available—KESMA does not publish consolidated financial statements—independent reports consistently underline the outsized role of state advertising in sustaining the foundation.

For instance, data from earlier years revealed that in 2018, 87% (HUF 17.5 billion) of all state advertising contracts went to KESMA-affiliated outlets, exceeding their combined turnover; in 2017, the share was already 83%. Similar patterns have persisted since then, with watchdogs and civil society organizations observing that state and state-controlled companies disproportionately channel their advertising budgets to the foundation’s media, creating a system of indirect subsidy.

Editorial independence

From its inception, KESMA has been structured not as a traditional foundation supporting pluralistic journalism but as a centralized vehicle for editorial coordination. Internal communication and external analysis both confirm that its outlets synchronize their coverage in order to amplify the government’s narrative and marginalize critical or independent voices. This homogenization, already visible before 2018, intensified after the merger, as editorial control became centralized under a small group of Fidesz-aligned managers.

Investigations by press freedom organizations and testimony from journalists highlight repeated cases of editorial interference. Origo.hu, once a relatively independent portal, became one of the clearest examples of government-friendly coverage after the departure of critical staff. By 2024–2025, independent monitors continued to describe KESMA outlets as operating in a “captured” environment, where dissenting editorial lines are systematically excluded.

In 2025, the European Commission’s Rule of Law Report and independent watchdogs once again flagged Hungary for systemic media capture, noting that KESMA epitomizes the problem. Observers compared Orbán’s consolidation of the Hungarian media space to Russia’s state-controlled model, arguing that KESMA ensures the dominance of the government’s message while pushing independent journalism to the margins.

There is no statute, independent regulator, or public mechanism capable of assessing or safeguarding editorial independence within the foundation. On the contrary, recent developments, such as the establishment of the Sovereignty Protection Office in 2024, have expanded the Hungarian state’s capacity to investigate and pressure independent outlets, further insulating KESMA from competition and critical scrutiny.

September 2025

Media assets

Television: TV2, LiChi TV, FEM3, Jocky TV, Moziverzum, Humor+, Izaura TV, KiWi TV, PRIME, Mozi+, Super TV2, Spiler1 TV, Spiler2 TV

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

TV2 is not directly controlled by state structures. It is owned by József Vida, a retired hammer thrower turned businessman and banker, who has close relations with the Fidesz political party of the Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

The chairman of TV2 is Miklós Vaszily, a media oligarch with very close ties to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. In the past, Vaszily has handled several key deals that have aligned major private media outlets with the government. On 22 April 2025, Stanchev stepped down by mutual agreement, and Miklós Vaszily, already chairman of the board, assumed the role of CEO. Vaszily’s dual role further tightened the link between TV2’s management and the Fidesz-aligned business elite.

Source of funding and budget

TV2 is a commercially-run broadcaster that earns revenue from advertising. However, the outlet has also been a major recipient of state advertising funds in recent years, particularly after being purchased by Vajna, a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. For instance, in 2018, TV2 received 67% of the total revenues from state advertising in the television sector, which amounted to more than half of the channel’s operational expenditure. In contrast, the independent RTL Klub received only 1%.

More recent consolidated financial statements show that in 2023, TV2 achieved sales of HUF 53.3bn (€138m), an increase from the previous year, with EBITDA rising to HUF 20.4bn (€53m) and a net profit of HUF 2bn (€5.2m).

Editorial independence

There is abundant evidence confirming that TV2 has a pro-government agenda. Since it was taken over by Vajna in 2015, it has adopted a pro-government editorial line. Independent journalists have labeled TV2 a government communication channel; independent media outlets also refer to it as a “government-aligned” channel. Before the 2022 elections, several anchors at TV2 publicly encouraged people to vote for Fidesz.

During Stanchev’s tenure as CEO (2019–2025), the group broadened its entertainment portfolio and invested in new program formats, which improved audience reach and digital presence. These moves strengthened TV2’s competitiveness against RTL and diversified its content. At the same time, watchdogs and independent outlets consistently pointed to TV2’s function as a government-friendly broadcaster, particularly in news and political coverage. With Vaszily taking over as CEO in 2025, concerns about editorial alignment with Fidesz’s communication strategy have only intensified.

There is no domestic statute or mechanism of independent assessment or oversight that would validate TV2’s editorial independence.

September 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Magyar Hirlap

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Magyar Hírlap is owned by Gábor Széles, a Hungarian entrepreneur who acquired the publication in 2005 from Ringier, a Swiss-owned publishing house. Széles is widely regarded as a loyal supporter of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. The publishing company, Magyar Hírlap Kiadó Kft., remains under his control. As of 2025, the company’s management structure lists two managing directors: Széles Kinga Júlia and Szigeti Krisztina, the latter also serving as editor-in-chief and responsible publisher (felelős kiadó).

Source of funding and budget

Magyar Hírlap, along with other news media owned by oligarchs close to the Prime Minister and his party Fidesz, receives substantial state financing. After 2015, Magyar Hírlap became a dominant recipient of state advertising, with approximately 4% of the total state advertising expenditure going to the newspaper in 2018, according to the local NGO Mérték. Although it remains unclear whether government funding accounts for more than half of Magyar Hírlap’s annual budget, the government’s support is significant and helps the publication remain financially viable, as local journalists and experts interviewed for this report in May–June 2023 and March 2024 have confirmed.

The decision to discontinue the print edition in July 2022 was driven by market pressures, but also reflected the government’s willingness to streamline and minimize losses in politically controlled media. The company’s latest available financial report shows that in 2024 Magyar Hírlap Kiadó Kft. posted revenues of HUF 482.8 million, expenses of HUF 447.3 million, and an after-tax profit of HUF 24.2 million HUF, with equity rising to 49.5 million HUF. These figures indicate a return to profitability after earlier losses in 2022.

Editorial independence

Since Széles took over, Magyar Hírlap has become strongly pro-government, earning the reputation of a propaganda outlet for the ruling party. Local journalists and experts consistently describe the newspaper as aligned with the government’s communication priorities.

There is no statute establishing Magyar Hírlap’s editorial independence. The paper is subject to direct instructions from its owner to promote the government and its interests, and there is no independent assessment or oversight mechanism to validate its editorial autonomy. As of 2025, there have been no signs of editorial change that would suggest an increase in independence or pluralism.

September 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Demokrata

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

The magazine is published by Magyar Demokrata hetilap through its publishing company, Demokrata Kiadó és Vagyonkezelő Zrt., supported by the Magyar Ház Alapítvány. In the official Impresszum, the Magyar Ház Alapítvány is listed as a supporting entity. While the foundation’s precise role in the magazine’s operations remains unclear, company registry records indicate that its leadership includes Dr. Tímea Staub and Judit Adame as owners, and Dr. István Gazdag, Sándor Kocsis, Paul Kalmár, Dr. Tímea Staub, and Judit Adame as managing directors. There is no public information on whether this support involves direct financial subsidies, institutional backing, or symbolic association, but the foundation’s presence underscores that Demokrata benefits from an additional organisational layer closely linked to pro-government civic initiatives.

Editorial direction remains dominated by András Bencsik, who serves as editor-in-chief and has been the magazine’s public face for decades. A vocal supporter of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and organizer of the pro-government “Peace Marches,” Bencsik continues to set the magazine’s ideological line, assisted by lead editors Bándy Péter, Szarka Sándor, and Sayfo Omar. Despite the presence of a foundation and corporate board, the actual editorial policy is concentrated in Bencsik’s hands, ensuring tight alignment with the ruling Fidesz party.

Source of funding and budget

Financial data from Demokrata Kiadó és Vagyonkezelő Zrt. shows a sharp increase in revenues in 2024. After reporting no revenue in 2022 and 2023, the company recorded HUF 572.28 million in total revenue in 2024, with profits after tax of HUF 845,000. The company’s equity rose to HUF 105.3 million, with fixed assets at HUF 94.8 million and current liabilities of HUF 85.1 million. These figures mark a significant shift from the previous two years, when no meaningful turnover was reported, according to financial reports obtained by the Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC).

The absence of employees on record suggests that the publication is operated through contractual or outsourced arrangements rather than permanent staff.

Editorial independence

Editorially, Demokrata continues to function as a pro-government outlet. Prime Minister Orbán has in the past encouraged Hungarians to subscribe, and content analyses conducted by the Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC) in 2023 and 2024 confirmed that the magazine’s coverage remains overtly favourable toward Fidesz politicians, government authorities, and businessmen close to the ruling party. Demokrata does not operate under a statute guaranteeing editorial independence, and no oversight mechanism exists to validate its editorial practices. The magazine has also been repeatedly criticized for giving space to extremist rhetoric, including anti-Semitic and pro-Nazi content, a pattern that has persisted in recent years.

September 2025

Media assets

News portal: Index.hu

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Index.hu is formally owned by the For Hungarian Development Foundation (in Hungarian, Magyar Fejlődésért Alapítvány), which was created in 2017 as part of a structure purportedly meant to secure editorial independence. The foundation is controlled by László Bodolai, who had served long as the portal’s lawyer. 

The business/commercial side (advertising, etc.) has been handled by Indamedia Network Zrt., which has taken over these functions and became owner of the media sales. In particular, Miklós Vaszily, a businessman with known ties to the Fidesz-government media network, acquired Indamedia in July 2020.

Source of funding and budget

Index.hu has traditionally relied on commercial revenues, primarily advertising, complemented by occasional crowdfunding campaigns. Following the Indamedia takeover, the portal’s revenue base has remained strong thanks to its large readership.

Financially, Index.hu has remained relatively stable in recent years, with total revenues rising from HUF 1.63 billion (€4.18m) in 2022 to HUF 1.93 billion (€5.01m) in 2024. Profit after tax, though modest compared to turnover, peaked in 2023 at HUF 12.4 million (€33,000) before easing to HUF 10.4 million (€27,000) in 2024. Equity strengthened year-on-year, reaching HUF 59 million (€153,000) by 2024, while fixed assets nearly doubled compared to 2023. At the same time, liabilities grew, with current liabilities topping HUF 535.6 million (€1.39m) in 2024.

The workforce also expanded, from 70 employees in 2022 to 89 in 2024, alongside a steady increase in average monthly salaries to HUF 707,295 (€1,838), reflecting organizational growth but also rising labour costs.

Editorial independence

Since 2010, the Hungarian government has consolidated control over a vast media empire through politically loyal oligarchs. Index.hu was long considered the last major independent news site in Hungary. To protect this independence, the Foundation structure was designed to insulate the newsroom. However, once Indamedia was acquired in 2020, this protection effectively collapsed. The editor-in-chief was dismissed under pressure, and nearly the entire newsroom resigned in protest, an event widely regarded as the end of Index’s editorial independence.

Since then, Ákos Starcz has served as CEO of Index.hu. Starcz is closely associated with businesses linked to the governing party, including his board membership in companies such as Libri, Hungary’s leading book publisher. In April 2024, he was appointed chairman of Libri’s board, further consolidating his role in government-aligned media and publishing structures.

There is no domestic statute or independent oversight body ensuring Index.hu’s editorial independence since the mass resignations of July 2020. Watchdogs and local journalists continue to view Index as a captured outlet, with diminished autonomy and clear alignment with pro-government interests.

September 2025

Media assets

Online portal: ReMix News

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

The company is owned by American national Patrick Egan, who previously served as the director of the International Republican Institute for the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) region. His wife, Klara Vizer-Egan, is a former member of Fidesz, the political party led by Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orbán.

While there is no indication of a formal change in ownership structure, the close personal and political ties between the Egan family and Fidesz continue to shape perceptions of the outlet’s role in Hungary’s media landscape. No new CEO has been publicly reported, and Patrick Egan remains the visible figure associated with the company’s leadership.

Source of funding and budget

According to investigative reporting by Hungarian watchdog Atlatszo, FWD Affairs has received funding from the Hungarian government to sustain the operations of Remix News.

Although specific financial details are not made public, such funding has helped ensure the portal’s continuous output. However, no audited revenue figures for 2024 are available, nor have forecasts for 2025 and 2026 been disclosed, leaving the financial dimension of the company largely opaque.

Editorial independence

Editorially, FWD Affairs has long been known for its proximity to the Orbán government. Remix News consistently provides coverage favorable to Fidesz and publishes stories that reinforce illiberal, nationalist, and Eurosceptic narratives, a stance documented by international observers of Hungarian media.

September 2025

Media assets

News portal: HungaryToday.hu, UngarnHeute.hu

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

The Friends of Hungary Foundation (Magyarország Barátai Alapítvány in Hungarian) was created by 13 Hungarian personalities, six of whom have since passed away. It has traditionally been led by prominent public figures, and in July 2024 a major leadership change took place when long-standing president E. Sylvester Vizi resigned. He was succeeded by István Stumpf, a former Constitutional Court judge and government commissioner, who now serves as President of the Board of Trustees.

The editorial operations of the news portals have also seen adjustments, with Dr. Dániel Deme appointed as editor-in-chief in 2024. Managing directors of the foundation’s operating company have included Orsolya Karlócai and Miklós Verseghi-Nagy, with Katalin Bényei listed as the acting director.

Source of funding and budget

Financially, the Friends of Hungary Foundation relies on private donations, many of which come from major corporations. Among these are state-owned enterprises such as the oil and gas company MOL and the pharmaceutical group Gedeon Richter, alongside other private contributors. While the foundation acknowledges these donors, it does not make its annual financial reports publicly available, and no detailed budget data for 2024 or projections for 2025–2026 have been disclosed. There is no evidence of direct state budget allocations to the foundation, but the reliance on donations from companies with state ownership underscores its proximity to government resources.

Editorial independence

In terms of editorial positioning, the foundation presents itself as a value-based and non-partisan initiative, aimed at providing information about Hungary’s achievements to the global community of “friends of Hungary.” However, in practice its two news portals have consistently supported the government led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

Orbán himself has regularly appeared at the foundation’s annual conferences, which has reinforced perceptions of its close ties to Fidesz. Journalists and analysts interviewed for this report in 2023 and 2024 noted that the foundation’s media outlets have increasingly functioned as vehicles for government narratives, often amplifying the ruling party’s agenda rather than offering balanced reporting.

September 2025

Media assets

Online portal: V4 Agency

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

V4NA was founded by a group of Hungarian business leaders and politicians close to Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. According to Reuters, Hungary’s ambassador to the UK, Kristóf Szalay-Bobrovniczky, registered the company in 2018.

Reportedly, Árpád Habony, a long-time political strategist and informal adviser to Orbán, acquired 40% of the company through his London-registered company Danube Business Consulting. Ownership originally included Szalay-Bobrovniczky, but he sold his shares as part of that shift.

Now, V4NA is registered in the UK as a subsidiary of Mediaworks, a publishing company previously owned by Lőrinc Mészáros, Orbán’s closest business ally. 

Source of funding and budget

It is reported that V4NA receives state-linked funding to operate. The Hungarian government has supported various media outlets aligned with its narratives, via foundation channels etc., and monitors and reports often classify V4NA among those. 

Officially, the company registered in the UK didn’t disclose its turnover in the latest filing for the financial year 2024. It listed one employee in the UK. Despite its ambitions to be an “international news agency”, investigations, by Átlátszó.hu, among others, suggest that V4NA’s actual foreign correspondent network may be minimal, and that while the company is formally registered in the UK, much of the operation is located in Hungary (Budapest).

Editorial independence

From its inception, V4NA’s editorial line has clearly leaned pro-government, reflecting the perspectives and rhetorical style of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his circle. For example, many headlines and translated content emphasize themes such as immigration, national identity, and criticisms of liberal/multicultural policies in Western Europe.

Critical observers have flagged that much of V4NA’s content consists of translations, selection of existing reporting, and sometimes narratives that mirror government communications, rather than independent investigative journalism.

September 2025