Media assets

Television: AzTV, Idman Azerbaijan TV, Medeniyyet TV

Radio: Radio Azerbaijan

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

AzTV remains a fully state‑owned closed joint‑stock company, established under Presidential Decree No. 213. The President of the Republic of Azerbaijan directly appoints its chair, vice‑chair, and the boards of directors for both its television and radio divisions. Rovshan Ragif oglu Mammadov, a seasoned journalist and academic, has served as Chairman of AzTV since 2019, succeeding Arif Alishanov.

Source of funding and budget

For over six decades, AzTV has subsisted entirely on state subsidies, including AZN 33 million in 2020. The organization is required to disclose its finances due to its government funding, but has consistently failed to make these reports public.

That said, available figures show that in 2023, AzTV achieved a net profit of AZN 19.37 million, with assets valued at approximately AZN 34.83 million at the start of the year. Its liabilities were reduced by 37%, and its equity grew by 1.2%. For the 2025 fiscal year, the state budget allocated AZN 42.6 million to the broadcaster—virtually unchanged from 2024.

Editorial independence

AzTV operates firmly in lockstep with government positions. Journalists interviewed in 2023 and early 2024 for this report confirmed that its programming exclusively mirrors government viewpoints. . No domestic legal safeguards or independent oversight mechanisms exist to guarantee editorial autonomy.

August 2025

Media assets

Television: 1TV

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Under the 2000 Law on Television and Radio Broadcasting, AMPTV operates as a “state enterprise with special status.” Its governing body, the Council of the Public Broadcaster, comprises seven members, six of whom are appointed by the Prime Minister. . Such a structure suggests considerable executive influence over the broadcaster’s strategic direction.

Source of funding and budget

AMPTV’s operations are primarily bankrolled via state financing. In 2022, it received approximately AMD 5.27 billion (around US $12.1 million), plus nominal advertising and sponsorship revenue of about AMD 1.2 million. Projections for 2025 cite an allocation nearing US $17 million—marking a notable increase in public investment.

Editorial independence

Legislation formally pledges editorial autonomy for public media, yet the operational reality is more complex. Critics point to AMPTV’s recurrent role as a pro-government propaganda channel, an observation echoed in independent assessments.

In March 2025, journalist watchdogs highlighted that “public television does not serve the interests of the people but functions as a propaganda tool for the authorities,” noting the imbalance in coverage and lack of editorial plurality. Recent developments have amplified these concerns: Prime Minister Pashinyan’s wife, Anna Hakobyan, secured free prime-time slots on AMPTV for her “Learning is Trendy” campaign, raising ethical and financial questions in the run‑up to the 2026 parliamentary elections.

August 2025

Media assets

Television: First Channel, Second Channel

Radio: Georgian Radio, Georgian Radio Music

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

GPB is a Legal Entity under Public Law (LEPL), ultimately owned by the Government of Georgia. The broadcaster is overseen by a nine-member Board of Trustees, appointed by Parliament. This board is entrusted with selecting the Director General through an open competition. As of 2025, Tinatin Berdzenishvili holds the post of Director General (sometimes also referred to as CEO).

Source of funding and budget

GPB remains the principal recipient of state support among Georgian media. Under current legislation, its annual state budget allocation must be at least 0.14% of national GDP, which secures a degree of insulation from political interference.

In 2021, GPB’s budget stood at approximately GEL 69.6 million (about €23.6 million), but by 2024 it had swelled to around GEL 110.3 million (about €37.5 million)—a striking 160% increase.

The sharp budget jump sparked legislative proposals in late 2023 aimed at replacing the automatic GDP‑linked funding mechanism with annual parliamentary approval. Supporters argue this brings GPB in line with other public agencies in terms of accountability, while critics warn it could pave the way for political meddling.

By early 2025, GPB unveiled its “Uniting & Uplifting Georgia: A Roadmap to 2030″—a forward‑looking strategy. It envisages organizing programming around four mission‑critical domains—Literacy & Learning, Health & Wellness, Arts & Culture, and Civic Engagement—and aims to raise an extra US‑$5 million annually, supplementing its roughly US$43 million operating budget. Here, state funding covers about one‑third of costs; the rest comes from fundraising, corporate sponsorships, and individual donors.

Editorial independence

By law, GPB must provide “accurate and up‑to‑date information free of political and commercial bias” and “serve the broader interests of Georgian society through varied programming.” . In practice, however, GPB has faced persistent criticism for exhibiting a pro‑government slant, including shutting down talk shows amenable to opposition voices.

In early 2025, tensions boiled over when GPB journalists interrupted a Board of Trustees meeting, which was being broadcast live, to highlight inadequate coverage of pro‑EU protests and political repression, especially the imprisonment of Mzia Amaghlobeli, director of Batumelebi/Netgazeti publication. Anchor Vasil Ivanov‑Chikovani recited “Solidarity and freedom to Mzia Amaghlobeli” eleven times and openly challenged the editorial influence of the Board Chairman, Vasil Maglaperidze, a former deputy chair of the ruling Georgian Dream party. The Director General, Tinatin Berdzenishvili, has pushed back against the accusations, but the episode highlighted how fragile the internal safeguards are.

In conclusion, while GPB retains the formal trappings of independence, in real terms it operates under strong political influence from the ruling Georgian Dream party and government structures.

August 2025

Media assets

Television: Ictimai Television

Radio: Public Radio

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

The Azerbaijani government established ITV pursuant to a prerequisite for joining the Council of Europe. Crafted through the Law on Public Broadcasting, the station’s structure vests oversight in the ITV Broadcasting Council, entrusted with appointing the director general. In practice, however, the council’s nine members, and by extension the leadership, are selected by the President, ensuring executive influence over the outlet’s direction.

Source of funding and budget

Although the founding law stipulated a public television license fee beginning in 2010, this provision has never been implemented. Instead, ITV relies largely on state budget allocations, with advertising revenue as a supplementary source. As of 2017, it received AZN 11.5 million (US$ 6.7 million) from the government. Beyond that, no further annual or financial transparency reports have been made publicly available.

Editorial independence

ITV is commonly viewed by media observers as state-controlled. Journalists interviewed for this report in March 2023 and January 2024 painted a picture of a broadcaster heavily slanted toward official narratives, centering on the presidency and marginalizing independent reporting. A 2017 local NGO report even described ITV as “primarily serv[ing] the needs of the state, largely being used as a propaganda tool … with little or no independent reporting.”

Furthermore, a frequent practice involves repurposing content from the state broadcaster AzTV—often overlaying the AzTV logo with ITV’s own—creating an illusion of original programming. No domestic statutes or independent frameworks have been identified that could safeguard or assess ITV’s editorial autonomy.

August 2025

Media assets

Radio: Public Radio of Armenia

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Public Radio of Armenia shares the same institutional framework and legal status as Public Television of Armenia. Both are overseen by the Council of Public Broadcaster, a seven-member body that serves as the highest authority. This Council, largely appointed by the Prime Minister, wields considerable influence over the broadcaster’s strategic and editorial direction.

In August 2024, Armen Koloyan was elected by the Armenian Council of Public Broadcasters as the Executive Director of Public Radio of Armenia, succeeding previous leadership. Koloyan has a long media career, including over 30 years at Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, and is a co‑founder of the Armenian Saturday School in Prague

Source of funding and budget

Like its television counterpart, Public Radio of Armenia is funded chiefly through annual allocations from the state budget. According to data from IREX, the broadcaster received a total of AMD 6.3 billion (approximately US$16 million) in 2022. These allocations remain the backbone of its financial sustainability, with no significant alternative revenue streams reported.

Editorial independence

Historically, Public Radio of Armenia has been perceived as somewhat closer to the ethos of an independent public broadcaster than its television sibling. Its relatively modest audience reach, compared with the powerful influence of television, has often meant less political interference.

However, content monitoring in recent years suggests a worrying drift towards government alignment. Ad hoc content analyses conducted for this report in March 2023, June 2024 and March 2025 indicate that programming increasingly mirrors the style and tone of state-controlled media. Coverage of official state visits and government activities, often reported with little critical distance, has become more prominent. Observers argue that this creeping politicization risks undermining the broadcaster’s already fragile editorial autonomy.

As of mid-2025, no independent oversight mechanism or statutory safeguard has been put in place to guarantee the broadcaster’s editorial independence. Without such institutional firewalls, Public Radio of Armenia remains vulnerable to political influence, particularly in moments of heightened domestic or geopolitical tension.

August 2025

Media assets

Television: Adjara TV

Radio: Adjara Radio

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Formally, Adjara TV functions under the umbrella of the Georgian Public Broadcaster (GPB). For much of its existence, it maintained a degree of structural autonomy as a legally distinct entity governed by a five-member Council of Advisors, three appointed by the ruling party and two by the opposition.

That arrangement came to an abrupt end in June 2023, when parliament approved legislation dissolving the council and consolidating Adjara TV under GPB’s direct control. This reform effectively reduced the scope of its institutional independence, placing the station firmly within GPB’s governance framework. Representation of Adjara within GPB is now confined to three members on GPB’s nine-member Board of Trustees, all appointed by the Adjaran government. The GPB itself is currently overseen by Vasil Maghlaperidze, a former deputy chair of the ruling Georgian Dream party, a political pedigree that continues to raise questions about partisan influence over public media.

Source of funding and budget

Adjara TV is financed through GPB’s budget. Georgian legislation guarantees it at least 15 percent of GPB’s annual budget allocation, ensuring a stable, if politically dependent, funding stream. Despite this statutory safeguard, critics argue that such dependence entrenches Tbilisi’s control over regional broadcasting.

Editorial independence

Although Adjara TV is bound by a Code of Conduct enshrining editorial independence, impartiality, and diversity, in practice these principles are upheld unevenly. The broadcaster has historically enjoyed a reputation for relative autonomy compared with other Georgian media outlets, and its programming has often been singled out by civil society for providing a platform to opposition voices.

Nevertheless, sustained political pressure has chipped away at this record. The most visible turning point came in April 2019, when the Georgian Dream-dominated board controversially dismissed Director Natia Kapanadze, sparking widespread domestic and international condemnation. Watchdogs such as the Coalition for Media Advocacy have since documented persistent interference, alleging that journalists are harassed or disciplined for politically inconvenient reporting.

August 2025

Media assets

Television: Space TV

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

The channel remains firmly within the Aliyev family’s sphere, under the ownership of Sevil Aliyeva—daughter of the late President Heydar Aliyev and sister of the incumbent President Ilham Aliyev.

In recent years, the channel has experienced notable leadership changes. In May 2021, Mushfiq Hatamov took the helm as manager. He was succeeded by Vado Karovin in February 2023.

Source of funding and budget

No publicly available figures outline Space TV’s budget. However, interviews with exiled Azerbaijani journalists in March 2024 assert that the channel is generously funded by the government, suggesting a financial backing well beyond what would be sustainable through commercial means alone.

Editorial independence

Space TV has been described as unwaveringly aligned with the government’s narratives, particularly in its support for President Aliyev and state policy. No independent statute or oversight mechanism appears in place to validate its editorial autonomy or lack thereof.

No domestic statute or independent assessment mechanism to validate Space TV’s editorial independence has been identified.

August 2025

Media assets

News agency: Armenpress

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Armenpress is a state-owned entity. Its leadership is appointed by the Armenian government. While Hayastani Hanrapetutyun was legally organized as a joint-stock company with shares distributed among the President’s Office, Parliament, the Government, and the Department of Information, local journalists reported in 2024 that the newspaper was effectively run by Armenpress until its closure.

In 2025, Armenpress continues to be led by Narine Nazaryan, who remains Director and regularly represents the agency in new partnership agreements and international forums. The newsroom is overseen by Shant Khlghatyan, who has served as Editor-in-Chief since 2022.

Source of funding and budget

Armenpress does not publish financial information. According to Armenian media experts interviewed for this report in June 2024, the agency relies almost entirely on state funding to sustain its operations.

Editorial independence

As an official state media outlet, Armenpress is expected to follow government-mandated norms and regulations in its coverage. No domestic statute or independent mechanism exists to safeguard or verify its editorial independence.

August 2025

Media assets

Television: ATV, ATV+, ATV Vivace, ATV Cinema

Radio: 106 FM, 106.3 FM

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

From the outset, ATV’s ownership structure has been opaque and closely intertwined with Azerbaijan’s ruling elite. The channel’s fortunes have long been associated with Nazim Ibrahimov, a political figure known for his unwavering loyalty to President Ilham Aliyev and his service in various senior government posts.

Although it remains unclear whether Ibrahimov still holds a formal stake in the broadcaster, investigative journalists and regional experts interviewed for this report in March 2024 reported that the Aliyev family continues to exercise indirect control over ATV. This perception of family-linked influence has only deepened in recent years, with no evidence of meaningful shifts in ownership or governance practices through mid-2025.

Source of funding and budget

Precise financial data about ATV is scarce, as the channel does not publish annual reports. Independent journalists in exile, consulted for this report in March 2024, noted that the station benefits from substantial government subsidies, either directly or via state-linked advertising contracts. This practice mirrors broader patterns of state patronage across the Azerbaijani broadcast sector. Despite its nominal status as a private channel, ATV’s reliance on such funding mechanisms underscores its proximity to the ruling establishment.

Editorial independence

ATV has long been recognized as one of the staunchest media supporters of President Aliyev. Journalists covering Azerbaijani politics consistently describe its editorial line as overwhelmingly favorable to the government, with dissenting perspectives rarely, if ever, aired. A targeted content analysis commissioned for this project in May 2023 confirmed the predominance of pro-government narratives, demonstrating systematic bias in coverage of both domestic and international affairs.

No statutory safeguard or independent oversight mechanism exists to guarantee ATV’s editorial independence. In practice, its programming remains firmly aligned with official government positions, reflecting the broader climate of constrained media pluralism in Azerbaijan.

August 2025

Media assets

Television: CBC, CBC Sport, Dalga TV, Khazar TV

Radio: Khazar FM, 100.5 FM, Araz FM

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

SOCAR Media is a wholly‑owned subsidiary of SOCAR (the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan), overseeing media brands including CBC (Caspian Broadcasting Company), CBC Sport, Dalga TV, Khazar (Xazar) TV, and several radio stations. Its acquisition of Khazar TV was officially completed in the first half of 2020, and this station is administered by the Caspian Media Center—a structure SOCAR intends to fold entirely into SOCAR Media.

Source of funding and budget

Publicly available financial disclosures for SOCAR Media remain elusive. Nonetheless, overseas-based Azerbaijani journalists interviewed in March 2024 point to a dual revenue model: advertising income and substantial subsidies from its state-controlled parent, SOCAR.

Editorial independence

SOCAR Media is widely seen as operating entirely in lockstep with the Aliyev government’s messaging goals. Observers emphasize that the company’s news coverage mirrors official viewpoints, and there’s no legal framework or independent oversight in place to safeguard editorial neutrality.

August 2025