Media assets

Television: National- TVK1, TVK2; Regional- TVK Battambang, TVK Koh Kong, TVK Kratie, TVK Pursat, TVK Ratanakiri, TVK Mondulkiri, TVK Siem Reap, TVK Sihanoukville, TVK Stung Treng, TVK Preah Vihear

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

TVK is fully owned and operated by the Cambodian government and falls under the direct administrative control of the Ministry of Information. Its regulatory framework is defined by Sub-Decree No. 70, which lays out the responsibilities and oversight structure for broadcast media in Cambodia. In practice, this arrangement places TVK’s strategic direction, personnel appointments, and editorial priorities firmly under ministerial authority.

Khim Vuthy serves as Director General of TVK, leading its news operations and strategic deployment of new broadcasting technology.

Source of funding and budget

TVK is predominantly funded through public subsidies. Its operating budget is allocated annually by the national government and disbursed through the Ministry of Information. According to Cambodian media analysts and journalists interviewed in January-February 2024, and again in March 2025, TVK staff are considered civil servants and their salaries are paid directly by the ministry.

While there are occasional reports of advertising and sponsored content, these represent a minor share of TVK’s overall revenue stream and do not significantly offset its reliance on state funding. No detailed, disaggregated public budget for TVK’s 2024 operations was made available as of June 2025.

Editorial independence

TVK lacks a statutory framework or formal mechanism that guarantees its editorial independence. Its news coverage is routinely aligned with official narratives, and the station remains subject to strict ministerial oversight. The absence of an independent board or external regulator has raised persistent concerns among press freedom advocates, particularly regarding the outlet’s role during election periods and in coverage of opposition parties.

July 2025

Media assets

Radio: National- AM 918, Wat Phnom; Regional- Tbong Khmum, Kampong Speu, Ratanakiri, Pailin, Oddar Meanchey, Kampong Chhnang, Kampong Cham, Takeo, Battambang, Sihanoukville, Banteay Meanchey, Phnom Penh, Mondulkiri, Preah Vihear, Prey Veng, Kampong Thom, Kratie, Pursat, Svay Rieng, Kep, Stung Treng, Kampot, Siem Reap

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

RNK is fully owned and directly administered by the Ministry of Information. Its governance structure is grounded in Sub-Decree No. 70, which outlines the regulatory framework for broadcast media in Cambodia. The station is structurally embedded within the Ministry, with no legal or institutional separation to guarantee operational autonomy.

Source of funding and budget

RNK is entirely reliant on public funds, receiving its operational budget directly from the Cambodian government. As of March 2024, local media professionals confirmed in an interview for this report that RNK staff are salaried civil servants under the Ministry of Information. There is no indication of independent financial streams or commercial income that would insulate the broadcaster from political influence.

Editorial independence

Despite its long-standing role in Cambodia’s media landscape, RNK remains a state-run broadcaster with no discernible safeguards for editorial independence. Interviews with local journalists in early 2024 underscored the absence of statutory provisions or internal guidelines ensuring impartial journalism. The broadcaster’s output is widely understood to reflect official government positions, and its programming is closely overseen by Ministry of Information officials.

To date, no independent oversight body exists to assess or monitor RNK’s editorial practices. The absence of external review mechanisms reinforces perceptions that the broadcaster functions more as a mouthpiece of the state than as a public service media institution.

The latest research has not identified an independent oversight or assessment mechanism to validate RNK’s editorial independence. The station’s work is closely supervised by the Ministry of Information.

July 2025

Media assets

Television: CTN Cambodia, MyTV Cambodia, CNC Cambodia, CTN International Cambodia

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

CBS falls under the control of The Royal Group, which is wholly owned by Kith Meng, a prominent Cambodian-Australian businessman. Meng wields considerable influence in the Cambodian corporate and political arenas, heading more than 40 companies across sectors ranging from telecommunications to banking. Known for his close ties to former Prime Minister Hun Sen, Meng has frequently been described by local and international media as a “prime ministerial adviser.”

Following Hun Sen’s retirement in August 2023, leadership transitioned to his son, Hun Manet, who was elected to the National Assembly during the controversial July 2023 general elections—an electoral process heavily criticized by independent observers for lacking transparency and competitiveness. Although formally stepping down, Hun Sen declared he would maintain a political role behind the scenes, preserving his family’s entrenched influence.

In late 2022, CBS became a founding member of the Cambodian Television Alliance, a joint initiative involving Bayon High Media System, Hang Meas TV Group, and the Ministry of Economy and Finance. The alliance was formed to create Cambodia’s largest digital broadcasting platform, consolidating the country’s fragmented media landscape under a single umbrella. The alliance’s governance structure consists of a seven-member board, including one government representative and six from the alliance partners. The board is chaired by Hun Mana, daughter of Hun Sen, reinforcing the enduring intertwining of political power and media ownership in Cambodia.

David Elliott Ulmer continues to serve as CEO of CBS, a position he has held since around mid‑2023. Ulmer has steered the company toward digital transformation, integrating AI and forging international partnerships.

Source of funding and budget

CBS is primarily financed through commercial advertising revenues. However, persistent concerns have been raised regarding possible indirect state support. These suspicions stem from the long-standing alliance between Kith Meng and the Hun family, suggesting a potential conflation of political loyalty and commercial benefit. Although no official government subsidies have been disclosed, the financial relationship between the state and Royal Group media holdings remains insufficiently transparent. No budgetary disclosures for 2024 have been published as of June 2025.

In March 2025, CNC (Cambodia News Channel), part of CBS, launched an AI‑powered multilingual news service on YouTube, offering Khmer news translated into English, Arabic, French, and Mandarin Chinese. This marked the first such AI‑driven multilingual broadcast in Cambodia, expanding the network’s global reach.

Editorial independence

Editorial independence at CBS remains highly questionable. Kith Meng is widely recognized for his public displays of loyalty to the Hun family, including prominently placed portraits of Hun Sen and his children within corporate offices. More critically, the broadcasting license for CNC explicitly mandates the promotion of governmental narratives.

There is no evidence of legal safeguards protecting journalistic independence within CBS outlets. Nor do there appear to be internal or external mechanisms for independent editorial oversight. In practice, the network operates within a heavily politicized media environment where editorial content often aligns with the prevailing political orthodoxy.

July 2025

Media assets

Television: Bayon TV, BTV, ETV

Radio: Bayon Radio

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Bayon TV functions as part of Bayon High Media System, with ultimate control residing in Hun Mana, as confirmed by research from Reporters Without Borders (RSF). This consolidation reflects the entrenched media power structures in Cambodia, where familial and political ties frequently intersect.

In late 2022, Bayon High Media System joined forces with the Royal Group—owner of Cambodian Broadcasting Service (CBS)—and Hang Meas TV Group, a leading Cambodian media conglomerate, to establish the Cambodian Television Alliance. This entity has rapidly become the country’s most influential digital television platform. Significantly, the Ministry of Economy and Finance represents the government’s stake in the alliance, suggesting an active role of state actors in shaping media policy and direction.

The Alliance is governed by a seven-member board: six representatives from the member media companies and one from the Cambodian government. Hun Mana was appointed chair of the board, thereby consolidating her position as a key player in both the commercial and regulatory spheres of Cambodian broadcasting.

Source of funding and budget

Bayon TV’s principal revenue stream derives from commercial advertising, capitalizing on its increasing audience reach and strong market position. Nonetheless, credible concerns persist among independent observers and local journalists that the broadcaster may benefit from indirect state subsidies or preferential treatment, a suspicion intensified by its ownership links to the former Prime Minister’s family.

Such concerns were amplified following the 2023 political succession, when Hun Sen formally handed over the premiership to his son, Hun Manet. Despite the change in formal leadership, media experts suggest that the old patronage networks—especially those within the media sector—remain largely intact.

Transparent budget figures for 2024 remain unavailable, and there has been no public disclosure of state subsidies or formal budget allotments.

Editorial independence

Bayon TV’s editorial output has long been characterized by its unequivocal alignment with the ruling elite. Coverage is overwhelmingly sympathetic to both Prime Minister Hun Manet and his father, with content selection and framing widely viewed as being subject to indirect influence from the station’s ownership.

There are no codified legal protections in place to ensure journalistic autonomy at Bayon TV, nor are there institutional checks or independent mechanisms for evaluating editorial impartiality. This absence of safeguards continues to raise questions about the station’s capacity to serve as an independent public information source.

July 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Kampuchea Thmey Daily

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Since 2020, Kampuchea Thmey Daily has been owned by Hun Mana, the eldest daughter of former Prime Minister Hun Sen, VIA Kampuchea Thmey Daily Co., Ltd.

The newspaper is managed through her wider media interests, and its governance structure remains opaque, with no available information indicating the existence of an independent board or editorial committee. The ownership link places the outlet firmly within Cambodia’s broader landscape of politically affiliated media.

Source of funding and budget

The newspaper’s primary source of income is advertising revenue, much of which is believed to stem from businesses with strong ties to government networks. While direct state subsidies are not publicly documented, several local media experts and journalists interviewed for this report in May 2024 and April 2025 assert that Kampuchea Thmey Daily likely receives indirect financial support from government-associated entities. Nevertheless, such funding is not believed to exceed half of the outlet’s total budget. The lack of transparency in financial disclosures prevents any precise estimation of public versus private funding sources.

Editorial independence

Editorial content at Kampuchea Thmey Daily reflects a clear political alignment. The publication consistently refrains from criticizing Prime Minister Hun Manet, the son of Hun Sen, and its coverage is broadly supportive of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). This editorial posture has led to widespread perceptions of the outlet functioning as a pro-government mouthpiece.

To date, no legal statutes or internal codes guaranteeing editorial independence have been made public. Nor is there any indication of oversight by an independent media council or regulatory body. Journalists working for the newspaper operate in a context where institutional protections for editorial autonomy are effectively non-existent.

July 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Khmer Times

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

The Khmer Times is owned by Mohan Tirugmanasam Bandam, a Malaysian businessman with longstanding business and political connections in Cambodia, alongside his daughter, Ashwini Rajkumari Mohan. Mr. Mohan is widely recognized for his close personal and professional ties to senior figures within the Cambodian government, a fact that continues to raise questions about the publication’s independence.

Source of funding and budget

The owner has publicly stated that the newspaper is financially sustained through commercial avenues, primarily advertising revenue. Nevertheless, the Khmer Times has faced recurrent allegations and scandals suggesting otherwise. Reports from media observers and local journalists indicate that the newspaper may have received indirect financial support from state resources—likely facilitated by the owner’s proximity to government circles.

Editorial independence

The editorial posture of the Khmer Times has long mirrored the political sympathies of its ownership. The publication frequently adopts a tone that is overtly supportive of the government. Accounts suggest that critical coverage—particularly of powerful business interests or governmental policies—has been selectively edited or removed from the website, pointing to clear evidence of editorial interference.

There is no publicly available documentation indicating the existence of formal editorial statutes, nor is there any known mechanism for independent editorial oversight. In the absence of such safeguards, concerns about the newspaper’s autonomy and credibility persist.

July 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Phnom Penh Post

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

In May 2018, the Phnom Penh Post was acquired by Sivakumar S. Ganapathy, a Malaysian businessman and owner of the public relations firm ASIA PR, which has represented the Cambodian government. Ganapathy is widely regarded as an ally of former Prime Minister Hun Sen, father of the current Prime Minister Hun Manet. This change in ownership marked a significant moment in the publication’s trajectory, with many observers noting a rapid erosion of its editorial independence.

Star Media Alliance Co. Ltd. (sometimes styled SR Digital Media Co., Ltd.) is currently credited as the publisher of The Phnom Penh Post on the newspaper’s own website. It is likely a subsidiary or successor to Post Media Co. Ltd., the official publisher of the newspaper for some years.

Source of funding and budget

According to public statements from the owners, the Phnom Penh Post operates on a commercial basis, with revenue generated predominantly through advertising. However, no audited financial statements or funding disclosures have been made available, leaving the newspaper’s precise financial structure opaque.

Editorial independence

The 2018 sale triggered an immediate and highly public editorial crisis. Then-editor Kay Kimsong was summarily dismissed after publishing a story scrutinizing Ganapathy’s background and ties to the Cambodian government via ASIA PR. The article was later expunged from the newspaper’s online archive.

Subsequently, editorial control was transferred to Ly Tayseng, a lawyer with longstanding links to the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). This transition coincided with the resignation or termination of dozens of editorial staff, including many of the newsroom’s senior journalists, who cited censorship and political interference as primary concerns.

As of mid-2025, there is no publicly known editorial charter or self-regulatory framework in place at the Phnom Penh Post to safeguard journalistic integrity. There is likewise no mechanism—internal or external—for conducting independent assessments of editorial freedom or newsroom independence.

July 2025

Media assets

News portal: Fresh News

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Private (CaPr)

Ownership and governance

Fresh News is not officially state-owned, nor are its senior managers directly appointed by the Cambodian government. The platform has been publicly claimed by a group of IT professionals, with Lim Chea Vutha serving as CEO and public face of the operation. Despite its ostensibly private ownership, the outlet’s governance structure is opaque, and no independent board or oversight mechanism has been identified.

Source of funding and budget

In a 2018 public statement, CEO Lim Chea Vutha denied receiving financial support from either the Cambodian or Chinese governments. Instead, he described the outlet as being primarily funded through advertising revenue, leveraging the viral distribution of breaking news and sensationalist content. However, the site’s aggressive monetization—characterized by an overwhelming number of ads—has drawn criticism for impeding usability and compromising reader experience.

As of 2025, there is no independently audited financial report available. While the outlet claims financial independence, its privileged access to government information and preferential treatment in advertising markets continue to raise questions about indirect state support.

Editorial independence

Despite nominal independence, Fresh News operates as a de facto mouthpiece of the Cambodian government. While it retains a private legal status, the editorial line is demonstrably aligned with ruling party interests. CEO Lim Chea Vutha has repeatedly expressed public support for the government, a posture that has granted Fresh News unparalleled access to official sources and exclusives—benefits rarely extended to critical or independent outlets.

Observers have noted that the outlet regularly publishes content that supports government talking points and, in some cases, proactively engages in disinformation campaigns against opposition figures and dissenting voices. Its editorial practices have drawn sharp rebuke from press freedom organizations, some of which have labelled the portal as a vehicle for state-sponsored propaganda.

Fresh News has no known internal mechanisms to protect the autonomy of its journalists. There is no editorial statute, code of ethics, or ombuds mechanism in place. Nor is there any external body independently verifying the outlet’s editorial integrity.

July 2025

Media assets

News agency: AKP

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

AKP operates under the direct authority of the Cambodian government, falling under the purview of the Ministry of Information. The agency is state-owned and fully state-operated, with its leadership appointed through governmental channels. This structural arrangement cements its function as a public sector mouthpiece rather than as an independent journalistic entity.

Source of funding and budget

According to Cambodian journalists and regional media analysts interviewed in March 2024 and again in MArch 2025, AKP is entirely financed through state funds. The agency does not publish annual financial disclosures or detailed budget reports. Its operations are assumed to be supported through allocations from the national information or communications budget, though no official breakdown is publicly accessible.

Editorial independence

AKP’s editorial content reflects a clear alignment with the Cambodian government’s messaging. Coverage of state officials—particularly the Prime Minister—is deferential, frequently featuring ceremonial and promotional language that borders on the laudatory. Editorial autonomy is minimal, and the agency operates in a media environment where dissenting or investigative reporting on state institutions is neither encouraged nor institutionally protected.

There is no statutory framework in Cambodia that guarantees the editorial independence of journalists working at AKP. Moreover, there are no mechanisms for independent oversight or internal evaluation that would ensure journalistic integrity or impartiality within the agency.

July 2025

Media assets

Television: Nice TV

State Media Matrix Typology: Ceased operations

September 2023