Media assets

Television: Rupavahini, Channel Eye, Nethra TV

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Public/State-Managed (CaPu)

Ownership and governance

SLRC was constituted under Act No. 6 of 1982, now referred to as the SLRC Act, as a state-owned public corporation under the purview of the Ministry of Mass Media. Governance is formally entrusted to a board of seven members, traditionally appointed by the Minister of Mass Media. However, the governance structure has undergone notable political shifts in recent years.

In late 2019, the President issued an order transferring oversight of the corporation from the Ministry of Mass Media to the Ministry of Defence—an unprecedented move justified by concerns over ministerial overreach into SLRC affairs. This transfer raised eyebrows among media watchdogs and civil society groups, as it significantly enhanced executive influence over the broadcaster. Despite this shift, SLRC remains listed under the Ministry of Mass Media on official platforms, reflecting ongoing ambiguity in its institutional positioning.

The current government has pledged a broader media reform agenda, including changes to SLRC’s governance model. As of June 2025, proposals are being reviewed that would place the broadcaster under the supervision of a parliamentary commission—ostensibly to improve accountability and reduce ministerial interference. However, the timeline and scope of these reforms remain unclear.

In January 2022, Sonala Gunawardana was appointed Chairman of the SLRC. A seasoned civil servant and media scholar, Gunawardana previously chaired the National Library of Sri Lanka and has been vocal about the need to shift SLRC away from perceptions of partisanship. The current Chairman is Gihan De Silva, appointed in late December 2024. He is an MBA from University of Sri Jayewardenepura and has 25+ years in strategic leadership roles with strong marketing credentials.

In a major structural development, the government approved in February 2024 the merger of SLRC with the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC), citing long-standing financial inefficiencies and operational overlap.

However, by June 2025, the Cabinet concluded that merging would not deliver expected gains due to differences in broadcasting technology, transmission infrastructure, and studio space needs. Consequently, SLRC and SLBC will remain as separate entities, each retaining its identity while following a strategic roadmap for operational reform.

Source of funding and budget

SLRC’s revenue model is a hybrid of commercial income and state support. It generates the bulk of its income through the sale of advertising slots and sponsored content, while receiving an annual government grant to support its operations.

In 2020, the broadcaster operated on a total budget of LKR 1.34 billion (approx. US$ 7.2 million), with less than 23% of that amount derived from direct government subsidies, according to the Ministry of Finance.

By 2023, the corporation declared a total income of LKR 1.6 billion (approx. US$ 4.9 million), but still posted a loss of LKR 277 million (US$ 848,000), underscoring persistent financial strain. The SLRC-SLBC merger is expected to streamline budgetary allocations and reduce duplication of resources, but no financial data for 2024 or projections for the post-merger entity have been made publicly available to date.

Editorial independence

SLRC’s editorial autonomy remains compromised by entrenched political control. The governing board is appointed by the government, which exercises considerable sway over strategic and editorial decisions, according to interviews conducted with local media analysts in September 2023 and June 2024.

Upon his appointment in early 2022, Chairman Gunawardana publicly acknowledged the widespread perception of SLRC as a mouthpiece of the ruling administration. He pledged to reorient the institution toward more balanced public service broadcasting, though as of mid-2025, no concrete statutory or regulatory changes have been enacted to institutionalise such a shift.

There is currently no independent legal or regulatory mechanism in Sri Lanka that guarantees SLRC’s editorial independence or subjects its performance to impartial review. The absence of such safeguards continues to fuel criticism about the broadcaster’s lack of pluralism and its vulnerability to government influence, particularly during election cycles or moments of political unrest.

July 2025

Media assets

Television: ITN TV, Vasantham TV

Radio: Lakhanda FM, Vasantham FM

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Public/State-Managed (CaPu)

Ownership and governance

After its early days as a privately owned broadcaster, ITN transitioned into government ownership and, in 1992, was formally reconstituted as a public company under state supervision. All shares of ITN are held by the Secretary to the Treasury of the Government of Sri Lanka, effectively cementing its status as a state-run entity.

The governance structure of ITN reflects this centralized control. Members of its board, including the chairperson, are appointed directly by the government. It is common practice for political appointees or former public officials to occupy these senior posts. In January 2022, for instance, Niroshan Premaratne, a former Member of Parliament, was appointed Chairman of ITN—a move widely interpreted as a continuation of the government’s tight grip over the broadcaster.

In September 2024, Priyantha Wedamulla, a veteran journalist and senior lecturer, was appointed Chairman of ITN—marking a notable leadership change while maintaining the pattern of government-appointed heads drawn from media or political circles.

Source of funding and budget

ITN derives the bulk of its revenue from commercial sources, including advertising and content licensing. However, government subsidies still play a role, particularly in offsetting operational losses.

In 2020, ITN reported revenues of LKR 1.5 billion (approximately US$ 8 million), with less than 20% of its budget funded by the state. By 2023, revenue had marginally increased to LKR 1.68 billion (roughly US$ 5.1 million), but the company posted a net loss of LKR 181 million (US$ 554,000), according to figures released by the Ministry of Finance. Data for 2024 has not yet been disclosed, but early indications suggest that ITN continued to operate at a financial deficit, prompting periodic scrutiny from parliamentary oversight committees.

Editorial independence

Editorial autonomy at ITN remains deeply compromised. Interviews conducted with local media experts and journalists in May 2023, September 2024 and July 2025 consistently point to pervasive government control over editorial decisions. The political affiliations and government backgrounds of ITN’s leadership underscore the absence of a firewall between state interests and editorial output.

No domestic legislation or external review mechanism has been identified that could affirm ITN’s independence or establish editorial safeguards. Unlike in some democracies where state broadcasters are insulated from political interference, ITN continues to function largely as a government mouthpiece, with no structural provisions to ensure impartiality or protect journalistic autonomy.

July 2025

Media assets

Radio: Thesiya FM, City FM, SLBC National Service, SLBC Commercial Service, Radio Sri Lanka, Vidula, Yal FM, Rajarata, Ruhuna, Uva, Wayamba, Kandurata, Thendral, Pirei, Sports Service

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Public/State-Managed (CaPu)

Ownership and governance

Since 1972, SLBC has operated as a state-owned corporation under the aegis of the Ministry of Mass Media. Its governance is tightly interwoven with the state apparatus: the board of directors is directly appointed by the government, with the Minister of Mass Media empowered to name the Chairperson.

Hudson Samarasinghe—a former Member of Parliament and long-time media figure— served as Chairman, following his appointment in June 2021. Critics argued that his appointment was emblematic of the wider pattern of politicized governance, as SLBC’s leadership has historically been composed of politically affiliated or state-favored individuals.

In September 2024, Professor Dr. Uditha Gayashan Gunasekara was appointed as Chairman of SLBC by the Minister of Media, succeeding earlier leadership.

A major structural reform was initiated in November 2023, when the government announced a merger between SLBC and the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC). This decision, officially approved in February 2024, was justified as a cost-cutting measure, citing sustained financial losses across both entities for over a decade.

However, by June 2025, the Cabinet concluded that merging would not deliver expected gains due to differences in broadcasting technology, transmission infrastructure, and studio space needs. Consequently, SLRC and SLBC will remain as separate entities, each retaining its identity while following a strategic roadmap for operational reform.

Source of funding and budget

SLBC’s revenue model relies on a hybrid system, combining commercial income with state subsidies. While it receives significantly more state support than other state-run outlets, subsidies still fall short of covering half the broadcaster’s operational costs.

According to its 2020 annual report, SLBC operated on a budget of LKR 948 million (US$ 5.1 million), with the state subsidy contributing 46%. By 2022, the corporation reported revenues of LKR 682 million (US$ 1.9 million) but also recorded losses of LKR 141 million (US$ 390,000), according to the Ministry of Finance. No official financial report for 2024 has been made publicly available at the time of writing, amid the ongoing restructuring.

Editorial independence

SLBC’s editorial operations remain firmly under government control, with no demonstrable safeguards ensuring independence from political interference. Local media analysts and journalists consulted in March 2023, and again in September 2024 and July 2025 observed that the editorial agenda frequently mirrors that of the ruling administration. Appointees to editorial and managerial roles are routinely drawn from political or bureaucratic circles.

Importantly, Sri Lanka lacks any statutory mechanism or independent oversight body tasked with guaranteeing the editorial autonomy of SLBC. The absence of legal protections or accountability structures makes the broadcaster especially vulnerable to state influence and editorial capture—a concern exacerbated by the impending SLBC–SLRC merger, which may further consolidate political control over public broadcasting.

July 2025

Media assets

Publishing: Daily News, Dinamina, Thinakaran, Sunday Observer, Silumina, Vaaramanjari, Arogya, Sarasawiya, Budusarana, Manchu, Subasetha, Tharunie, Sithmina, Mihithuru, Vanna Vaanavil, Resa, Mihira, Denamuth, Athuru Mithuru, Wesak Kalapaya

State Media Matrix Typology

Captured Public/State-Managed (CaPu)

Ownership and governance

ANCL was brought under state control in 1973 through nationalisation legislation. As of June 2025, the Sri Lankan government continues to hold a majority stake—approximately 88% of the company’s shares. The remaining shares are dispersed among private entities and individual shareholders. In practice, the chairperson of the board is almost invariably a government appointee, often a former senior official or political ally, reinforcing the perception of political patronage at the top.

Source of funding and budget

ANCL is primarily funded through advertising, subscription revenues, and select government contracts. Revenues were estimated at LKR 3 billion (US $20 million) in 2018. The company reported a net loss of LKR 217 million in 2020—worsening from the previous year, according to audit records. While audited 2024 figures have not been publicly released, press reports in early 2025 indicate continued financial stress due to declining circulation and rising costs.

Editorial independence

Given the state’s dominant shareholding and direct involvement in leadership appointments, editorial control is widely perceived to lie firmly with the government. Journalists and industry analysts interviewed for this report by the Media and Journalism Research Center report that ANCL coverage tends to mirror official messaging, and dissenting voices are seldom given space.

No legally mandated safeguards or third‑party oversight mechanisms are in place to guarantee editorial autonomy. A parliamentary committee in March 2025 recommended establishing an independent editorial board, but as of June 2025, no formal implementation has occurred.

July 2025

Media assets

News agency: LankaPuvath

State Media Matrix Typology

State-Controlled (SC)

Ownership and governance

Lankapuvath is registered as a limited liability company jointly owned by the country’s four principal state-run media organisations: Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC), Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC), Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited (ANCL) and Independent Television Network (ITN).

The governance structure reflects this ownership: the board of directors comprises the chairpersons of these four state media entities—each of whom is appointed directly by the Ministry of Mass Media. As a result, governance is tightly linked to the prevailing political administration, leaving little room for institutional autonomy.

Source of funding and budget

According to interviews conducted with local journalists and policy analysts in 2023, 2024 and 2025, Lankapuvath operates largely on state subsidies. These funds are allocated annually through the Ministry of Mass Media’s broader public information budget.

The agency does not disclose detailed financial statements, and there is no public record of its income or expenditure for 2024 or the first half of 2025. Its dependency on public funds, combined with the absence of financial transparency, has led to calls from civil society for improved accountability mechanisms.

Editorial independence

Although Lankapuvath covers a wide spectrum of subjects—including development projects, diplomatic engagements, and cultural events—its editorial scope remains tightly controlled. According to media experts and newsroom sources interviewed for this report, its output is characterized by systematic avoidance of government criticism, and the agency functions more as a state information arm than a journalistic body.

As of June 2025, there is still no statutory safeguard ensuring Lankapuvath’s editorial independence. Nor is there any external oversight mechanism to monitor its adherence to journalistic standards. While sporadic attempts to introduce media regulatory reform have emerged—most recently during parliamentary debates in March 2025—Lankapuvath has not been explicitly mentioned in any reform proposals.

July 2025